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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
017045
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| Publication |
Spring 1994.
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| Description |
21-35
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| 2 |
ID:
106338
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| 3 |
ID:
181688
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| Summary/Abstract |
Liberalism and its republican precursors provide the largest and best-developed body of restraint theory and practice. Realist, libertarian and other criticisms of liberalism and liberal internationalism fall short on both historical and theoretical grounds. Liberal internationalism has had a profoundly progressive – even revolutionary – impact on the modern world order, advancing the grand transition from a world of empire to a world of nation-states, building an infrastructure of rules and institutions to foster and protect liberal democracy, and generating international coalitions and projects for tackling the gravest threats to world order and humanity. Unlike the schools of thought that make up the Quincy coalition, liberal internationalism places at the centre of its vision the cooperative organisation of international order – led by the United States and other liberal democracies, allies and partners – to defend shared liberal values and manage global problems of interdependence.
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| 4 |
ID:
092035
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Anarchy and the balance of power are the two core ideas in Waltz's neorealism, and he explicitly draws them from early modern political theory, particularly Hobbes and Rousseau. Unfortunately, Waltz leaves behind a key variable in these early modern state-of-nature arguments: violence interdependence - the capacity of actors to harm one another (independent of distribution of power). This difference between the extreme insecurity of the state of nature and the tractable insecurity of the state of war derives from different degrees of violence interdependence. The variable is implicit but powerful in Hobbes, and explicit in Rousseau's analysis of topographic fragmentation as a foundation for the European state system. As the effects of the industrial revolution made themselves felt, many theorists (the global geopoliticans, Carr and many liberals) continued to employ the variable Waltz dropped, and they generally argued that Europe had shifted from a state-of-war to a state-of-nature anarchy, thus posing the choice of catastrophe or integration. Herz and Morgenthau continue this argument in the nuclear era, reaching very different conclusions than Waltz. Similarly, the balance of power was conceived by early modern republican theorists as the counter to hierarchy, and this was transposed to the 'system level' via the device of referring to Europe as a whole as a 'republic' that was in part 'by nature'. Other important republican power restraints (notably division, mixture and union) were dropped by Waltz but are developed by liberal globalist security theory.
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| 5 |
ID:
162387
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| 6 |
ID:
179822
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Quincy coalition is driven by common adversaries rather than a shared vision of political order and society; liberal internationalism is more appropriate to contemporary global realities.
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| 7 |
ID:
085690
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Autocracies such as China and Russia do not represent a sustainable alternative to liberal democracy. In fact, the pull of liberal democracy is stronger than ever.
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| 8 |
ID:
054354
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| 9 |
ID:
106342
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The security environment of the Soviet state during the Gorbachev period was distinctly different from earlier periods. The increased number of non-aggressive states in the Soviet Union's international environment further enhanced the security of the regime in historically unprecedented ways. Nuclear weapons freed the Soviet Union from fears of territorial aggression, while making its own expansion too costly. The achievement of military parity with the West gave the Soviets a further enhanced sense of security. Nuclear weapons also created significant common threats from nuclear war, providing strong incentives for accommodation and cooperation. Looking from the post-Cold War era, both Reagan and Gorbachev finally turned out to be anomalies. The particular circumstances that had created the opportunities for extraordinary breakthroughs by the diplomacy of these two men disappeared almost as quickly as they had arisen.
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| 10 |
ID:
153365
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The 2003 Iraq War was one of the great disasters in the history of American foreign policy. This conclusion is by now, and for good reason, very widely accepted. In the years since the war, however, other, less useful conventional wisdoms have formed. Among these, none is more salient – or more misleading – than the notion that the war was a product of liberalism. This view has been promoted and endlessly repeated by prominent academic realists such as John Mearsheimer, Stephen Walt, Barry Posen, Christopher Layne and Michael Desch. These academic realists were early and vocal critics of the war, which they indict as the product of essentially liberal American foreign-policy impulses, manifest in both liberal-internationalist and neoconservative circles.
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| 11 |
ID:
160053
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The global spread of a machine-based civilization based on accelerating scientific discovery and technological innovation has increased the rate, magnitude, complexity, novelty, and disruptiveness of change in human affairs, visible in violence, environment and information domains. Human capacity to forecast, assess and explain remains limited, and institutional capacities to adjust are inadequate. IR theory has not focused enough attention on analyzing human-material interactions. Some practical insight may be gained from renewed and broadened historical materialism, or neoclassical geopolitics, examining fit and misfit between material forces and social practices, structures and identities. Architectonic metaphors such as global village and spaceship Earth are deficient, and an alternative of a global debris mat on a narrowing river-of-no-return better captures the overall planetary situation.
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