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| 1 |
ID:
138127
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| Summary/Abstract |
An investigation into the prospects for including political talks in the cross-strait dialogue enables a better assessment of cross-strait relations. China’s push for political talks and Taiwan’s resistance to them imply that their political positions on the fundamental issues of sovereignty and ‘living space’ for Taiwan remain unchanged. Considering Taiwan’s complex domestic political scenario, which is largely against unification with Mainland China, the likelihood of Taiwan agreeing to political talks for unification is remote. While the ruling Kuomintang extends qualified support for political talks, the opposition parties reject them outright. In addition, deepening popular anxiety against closer cooperation with Mainland China further constrains prospects for political talks.
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| 2 |
ID:
122991
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on human capital theory, this article views the choice of major as an investment in human capital, and uses quantitative methods to analyse the choice of major of Mainland Chinese students when studying higher education abroad, and their affecting factors. The data used in this study, which sampled 12,961 Mainland Chinese senior secondary school students, are from a data set from a project subsidised by the Research Grant Committee of Hong Kong. Economic factors, such as expected economic return and expected employment prospects have significant effects on Chinese students' choice of major, after controlling factors relating to individual characteristics and family background. Furthermore, this article, using the case of China, provides feedback for the human capital theory and also proposes policy implications for developing and developed countries, and for international education institutions.
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| 3 |
ID:
130615
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
this article adopts a reflexive approach to investigate the history of the Sino-American Conference on mainland China (SACMC), the Cold War precursor of the Taiwan - US Conference on contemporary China (TUSCCC) organized and hosted by the institute of international relations (IIR) of the republic of China , the Cold war origins of the SACMC demonstrate the nation that power and knowledge- the practice of politics and theory of politics are asymmetrically and symbiotically co-constitute.
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| 4 |
ID:
141494
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper investigates whether and why the Taiwanese investors in mainland China are pursuing a different location selection strategy from other foreign direct investors. I find that, compared to the general foreign direct investors, Taiwanese direct investors seem to be more dependent on the autonomy of local governments, especially as investment in a locality increases.
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| 5 |
ID:
172250
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study deployed a systematic method to develop and validate a measurement for the identity of Hong Kong people, reflecting the emerging localistic attitude in the city. Drawing on a two-dimensional identity model, a combination of cultural and civic domains, an operationalization for Hong Kong identity was derived to differentiate between ‘HongKongese’ and others with stronger Mainland-Chinese-oriented identity. Cultural attribute, such as language and choice of technology products, is found to be of paramount importance in identity confirmation. Anti-authoritarianism and proactive political participation are the two major discriminatory features in the civic domain. Social distance from Mainland Chinese is positively associated with these key components of the scale, supporting the scale’s construct validity and confirming the nativist tendency of certain groups of Hong Kong localists.
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| 6 |
ID:
130633
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Configurations of citizenship are often reflected in school knowledge which contains normative and pedagogical discourses. Changes in the citizenship curriculum also capture the socio-political transition of a society. Drawing on textual and content analysis, this article presents a comparative analysis of the relevant textbooks at the junior high level in Mainland China and Taiwan in the late 1990s with regard to the portrait of a good citizen. It is concluded that the mainland's materials, combining socialist and republican models of citizenship, tend to teach their students to be patriots with good psychological quality, legal compliance, moral integrity, lofty ideals, an enterprising spirit and a distinguished sense of social responsibility for "socialist modernization construction" and national revival, while Taiwan's materials, more in a manner of liberalism and communitarianism, emphasize personhood, human rights values, public spiritedness, and civic competence, which lay a foundation .for sustaining a budding democracy and civil society
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| 7 |
ID:
178447
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| Summary/Abstract |
Both Hong Kong and mainland China are affected by illegal electronic waste disposal and transfers, which negatively impact ecosystems and human health. The Chinese government has signed the Basel Convention, while Hong Kong has not enforced the Chinese policies but implements separate control policies under the "one country, two systems" framework. As seen in other transboundary environmental collaborations, both the Hong Kong and Chinese governments have made collaborative efforts to tackle electronic waste movement, but institutional constraints have hindered the effectiveness of cross-border environmental collaboration. This study aims to understand interagency relationships between Hong Kong and mainland China since the sovereignty resumption in 1997, and examines the interagency collaboration of two different political systems within China, from a meso-level perspective. The authors raise the following questions: How have the Hong Kong and the Chinese governments managed electronic waste in addressing cross-border environmental problems? How have institutional constraints hindered the tackling of cross-border electronic waste movement? What are the lessons learnt from cross-border air and water quality management for electronic waste control? Built on the concept of interagency collaboration, a framework for assessing cross-border interagency collaboration is proposed for an enhanced understanding of the interagency relationships between two different political systems within a country.
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| 8 |
ID:
054380
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| 9 |
ID:
153386
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| Summary/Abstract |
It has been widely assumed that perceptions about mutual relationships positively influence attitudes toward trade talks. The Sunflower Movement in Taiwan that took place in the spring of 2014 seemed to create an empirical puzzle, leading observers to believe that Taiwan’s younger generations hold conservative attitudes about trade talks with Mainland China. This study, based on an analysis of representative data collected before the movement, suggests that younger generations in Taiwan are hostile to Mainland China politically but support trade talks. In summary, the authors find that family orientation, national/ethnic identification, state/country identification, belief in Taiwan’s democratic impact, and generation serve as critical factors in the formation of positive attitudes toward trade talks. These findings contribute to the literature by providing a deeper insight into the dynamics of the Sunflower Movement and updating the political orientation profile of Taiwanese voters.
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| 10 |
ID:
117715
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The initial paragraphs of this article outline the broad themes of this special section, drawing attention to changing perceptions and definitions of corruption and to corruption prevention practices in Greater China. The remainder of the article focuses on a particular theme: the relationship between conflicts of interest and corruption in both theoretical terms and in its application in mainland China. Conflicts of interest are conceptualized as the incompatibility between the public interest associated with official duties and interests derived from the private domain. Such conflicts do not always necessarily lead to corruption and may be distinguished from it. By examining the way in which they are regulated in China, we argue that although an intricate web of rules has been established, regulations alone cannot guarantee ethically sound behaviour if there is no supportive value framework of like-minded civil servants. Rules require interpretation and if this discretion means that civil servants choose to follow an administrative culture and personal values that conflict with the regulations, they will have little effect. Hard rules may mean soft constraints.
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| 11 |
ID:
177955
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| Summary/Abstract |
Mainland China and Hong Kong are two jurisdictions that, on the one hand, have sharply distinctive information ecosystems despite being one country and, on the other hand, are closely connected with each other in terms of the COVID-19 outbreak and related anti-pandemic measures. This note, through a comparative lens, outlines and compares how the information ecosystem of Mainland China and Hong Kong functioned during the early stage of the outbreak, that is, from 31 December 2019 to 29 February 2020. By tracing and examining the timeline of events and news articles published during the early stage of the outbreak through Wisers Information Database, it demonstrates and conceptualizes the information governance in Mainland China as “information authoritarianism” and that in Hong Kong as “information anarchy.” However, despite different patterns of information governance rooted in the different sociopolitical settings, both information ecosystems suffered from false pandemic information.
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| 12 |
ID:
092474
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| 13 |
ID:
120498
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Ma Ying-jeou Authorities have played a key role in the latest round of dispute over the Diaoyu Islands. The "East China Sea Peace Initiative", put forward by Ma, was aimed at enlarging Taiwan's international space. Taiwan also tried to avoid affecting its close relationship with the U.S., and rejected the possibility of joint defense with the Mainland China. However, some tacit understanding has developed between the two sides over this dispute.
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| 14 |
ID:
113722
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ma Ying-jeou's re-election means that there will not be a leadership change in Taiwan, but it still has significant implications. It forces the opposition Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) to work out a succession for itself and confront the political reality that it must now persuade voters in Taiwan that it can manage relations with mainland China effectively in order to win the presidency again. It also requires Ma to define clearly the limits of his mainland policy in order to minimize Beijing's expectations of his second term, as no president of Taiwan can agree to move towards political integration without a popular mandate. On its part, Beijing has taken on board the significance of Taiwan's electoral cycle for managing cross-Strait ties and will put pressure on Ma to move forward over political integration and thus reduce the scope for a future DPP administration to reverse course. This notwithstanding, Beijing's Taiwan policy will ultimately be determined more by the result of the leadership succession in mainland China itself in the autumn of 2012. For USA and East Asia, Ma's re-election is a positive development as it minimizes the risk of a confrontation or a crisis across the Taiwan Strait. But it will not remove the main problems they have with China that are Taiwan related. For USA, arms sales to Taiwan will still be needed and will remain a source of tension with Beijing. For Southeast Asia, stability across the Taiwan Strait implies that Beijing can devote more attention and resources to the South China Sea territorial disputes and that it is likely to behave in a more assertive way.
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| 15 |
ID:
138445
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although many people believe that small or medium powers tend to be very concerned with overseas territories, this was not true in the case of Macao. The great power, mainland China, showed very little interest in foreign affairs, because it knew that the outcome of the handover would be in its favour. Nonetheless, from May 1974 to July 1975, both China and Portugal had to demarcate their positions. The Portuguese entered into informal conversations with the Chinese ambassador to France, Zeng Tao, in August 1975, which lasted until January 1978, a total of almost three years. As soon as power in mainland China shifted from the leftists to the moderates, however, the new ambassador in Paris, Han Kehua, made it clear that he wanted things settled in six months. However, in 1978, the Portuguese cabinet had three different prime ministers and three different ministers of foreign affairs. Ultimately, the Portuguese cabinet had to give in to mainland China, on 8 February 1979.
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| 16 |
ID:
116122
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With the increasing use of the oceans and coastal areas, there is a need to pay greater attention to and reexamine the issue of ocean governance. Through comparing the framework of ocean governance in mainland China with that in Taiwan in terms of legislation, administration, and law enforcement, this article establishes that there are advanced practices concerning ocean governance in Taiwan and lessons that may be applicable for mainland China.
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| 17 |
ID:
152148
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| Summary/Abstract |
The “One China Principle” proclaims that both Taiwan and mainland China are inalienable parts of a single “China”, whereof both governments claim to be the true and legitimate representatives. As both governments are striving for unification of both the territories, both uphold the One China policy, which asks that countries seeking diplomatic relations with the mainland People’s Republic of China must break off diplomatic relations with the Republic of China in Taiwan and vice versa. With the US President Donald Trump first questioning this principle and then retracting from his stated position vis-à-vis Beijing’s blunt and aggressive reaction, the consequent scenario may further push ahead the already declining American power and hegemony in the world and may also aggravate the ongoing Sino-US competitive race towards global hegemony.
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| 18 |
ID:
118514
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| 19 |
ID:
121889
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the exclusion of the rule of law in dispute settlement from trade relations between Mainland China and Hong Kong. Other than a power-based provision to resolve any problems through consultation, the Closer Economic Partnership Arrangement (CEPA) between the Central People's Government of the People's Republic of China and the Government of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region does not contain any rules or procedures for the settlement of disputes between the two sides. The politicization of dispute settlement favours the freedom of informality but compromises certainty of implementation, efficiency of consistency, and transparency of justice, all necessary for further and fairer trade creation and economic integration. This article, therefore, calls for the rule of law in trade relations between Mainland China and Hong Kong with a proposal for a quasi-adjudicative dispute settlement mechanism for CEPA that complements the political framework for consultation and negotiation with an adjudicative framework for arbitration and implementation.
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| 20 |
ID:
175193
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study compares gender discrimination or sexism in mainland China and Taiwan by means of a social experiment. Mainland China, with its radical egalitarian socialist policies implemented in a centrally planned economy and during the Cultural Revolution, serves as the treatment group in this social experiment. Taiwan, with its conventional path of economic modernisation, political liberalisation and importation of post-material values, is set as the control group. Using the Sixth Wave World Values Surveys, this study finds a higher level of explicit sexism in mainland China than in Taiwan due to China's post-Mao market reform. Interestingly, Taiwan shows a stronger effect of hidden sexism than China. China's low level of hidden sexism could be attributed to its radical social and economic egalitarian policies from the 1950s to the 1970s. The article concludes by suggesting that while democracy is capable of promoting postmodern values such as feminism, it is less effective in eliminating hidden sexism, and that government policy is imperative to mitigating the negative effect of market capitalism on gender equality.
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