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| 1 |
ID:
124387
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan will reach a benchmark in 2014. By the end of that year, the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF), a NATO-based coalition led by the U.S. since 2001, will withdraw from the country. Presidential elections will be held in Afghanistan in the second half of 2014.
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| 2 |
ID:
163771
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| Summary/Abstract |
While it is widely admitted that Afghanistan can contribute to connectivity in Eurasia, one may not also deny that Afghanistan’s regional role is dependent on regional conditions. This article takes Afghanistan’s security and geostrategic trends in Eurasia as the two major variables, defining conditions for Afghanistan’s regional role. They are reviewed and then synthesised as dependent and independent variables to form taxonomy of possible regional roles for Afghanistan.
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| 3 |
ID:
077087
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
country seeking to return to the global stage as a major actor must find a well-planned solution to the problem of providing its foreign policy with sufficient resources. The volatility of foreign policy spending reveals the main problem: political decisions in Russia are poorly translated into budgetary categories and specific plans with a particular price tag.
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| 4 |
ID:
146260
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U.S. presidential elections are invariably accompanied by talk about the possibility of turning a new page on some essential political issue or even policy course. In fact, a new administration and policy line is more than guaranteed if the incumbent is not in the presidential race. Today U.S.-Russia relations have plummeted to a low not seen since the end of the Cold War or possibly even earlier. Yet chances for better relations between the two countries when the 45th U.S. president takes office are slim. Indeed, they will remain so at least as long as the current unfavorable situation continues.
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| 5 |
ID:
157242
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| Summary/Abstract |
The election of Donald Trump as U.S. president in November 2016 has fueled heated debate in American society. Many people believe that Trumps victory was an accident and a tragic mistake, but just as many insist that the election of the New York billionaire had to happen. In fact, both are right and wrong at the same time. Social trends that had slowly developed in the U.S. made "the Trump phenomenon" possible, but those trends did not necessarily mean that it had to happen in the way that it did. In order to understand this phenomenon and its causes better, let us look at Trump's victory in a broader historical context using statistics starting from 1952, which cover almost three generations. Such an approach should help us correct, or maybe even reconsider, the "feelings" many people think are quite obvious.
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| 6 |
ID:
147736
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the Central Asian governments realized that these projects were the main alternatives, the Ukrainian crisis was already raging. It greatly distorted the perception of any initiative by local elites. Their ideas of a geopolitical balance had changed over the previous decade, and now they preferred geopolitical neutrality and were very wary of everything with a shadow of geopolitics. They had long sensed this shadow in the Russian and U.S. proposals, and were therefore more disposed towards the Chinese one. Nevertheless, they were well aware of all the pitfalls and had no intention to end up on the sidelines of the Chinese economy.
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| 7 |
ID:
054604
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| Publication |
Sigtuna, Pugwash, 2000.
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| Description |
100p.
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| Series |
Pugwash occasional papers; no.2
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 044301 | 358.17/NUC 044301 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
161027
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russian-U.S. relations have gone through several phases in the past two decades. In the early 1990s, Moscow trusted Washington and sought to establish the friendliest possible relations with the U.S. However, influential Russian political circles and society at large soon came to think that the United States was betraying the new Russia’s confidence. In the second half of the 1990s, differences between the two countries increased, culminating in the spring of 1999 when NATO launched a military operation against Yugoslavia. Just one month after that war, Russian President Boris Yeltsin, in view of the new geopolitical situation, signed a decree to introduce amendments to strategic documents—the National Security Concept and the Military Doctrine
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| 9 |
ID:
083920
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