| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
156914
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates Twitter data related to the kidnapping case of two German nationals in the southern region of the Philippines by the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). It explores perceptions of the ASG, along with associated organizations and sentiments indicated in the tweets together with statistically significant relationships. Findings revealed that: “Rebel” and “Militant” were the most frequently used labels for the ASG; a majority of the tweets contained sentiments that assess threats such as abduction and kidnapping of hostages; and almost half contained words that indicate negotiation or concession to the demands of the captors. Logistic regression analyses on “Rebel” and “Islamist” revealed positive coefficients for these sentiments used as predictors. This meant that people who assessed threats and expressed sentiments that responders should concede to the captors’ demands were more likely to use the “Rebel” or “Islamist” labels. Rather than the two longstanding dominant narratives of the ASG as terrorists and criminals, the emerging rebel and militant labels suggest a more domestically and politically sensitive Twitter commentary than is represented in the work of the Al-Qaeda-centric paradigm exponents. These findings, along with the complex associated political and policy contexts and implications, are discussed in this article.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
129288
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
163210
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Although militant groups have been present in Bangladesh since the 1990s, the country catapulted to international media attention on July 1, 2016, after an attack on a café in the upscale neighborhood of the capital Dhaka. The Islamic State claimed responsibility for the attack which killed 29 people, mostly foreigners. The attack came in the wake of a series of attacks on religious and ethnic minorities, foreigners, liberal activists, authors, and publishers by both an AQIS affiliate and ISIS. The government denied the existence of militant groups tied to international terrorist organizations. Despite these developments and instances of Bangladeshis joining the ISIS in Iraq and Syria, there has been very little in-depth discussion about who these militants are and what is driving Bangladeshis to militancy. This article addresses this lacuna. This paper examines the common traits of alleged Bangladeshi militants and explores the factors of radicalization. Drawing on media reports of the profiles of the alleged militants, between July 2014 and June 2015, and between July 2016 and August 2017, the article finds that most of the Bangladeshi militants are young, educated males increasingly coming from well-off families. We have also found evidence that four factors—social relationships, use of the Internet, personal crises, and external relations—appear most frequently in the narratives of Bangladeshi
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
101247
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
091179
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Decades of oil production have generated hundreds of billions of dollars in revenues but have left a legacy of social disharmony, economic underdevelopment and environmental degradation in the Niger Delta. This has inspired a complex and inter-related nexus of criminal and militant activity in the region.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
083923
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
109849
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
095764
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
122849
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
092440
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
147347
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The long-term consequences of killing Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani, who has now become a new icon of Kashmir militancy, are unpredictable.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
104637
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
178900
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Why do some militant groups use rhetoric that indicates intentions of democratic governance, while others are silent on these issues, or even clearly oppose them? In this article, I explore militant groups’ desire for external legitimacy, and seek to explain when they are willing to make costly promises to follow liberal norms. I argue that human rights media attention has a significant effect on group behavior. Specifically, militant groups are more likely to use democratic rhetoric when they are “in the spotlight,” which results in a higher likelihood of external legitimacy in exchange for following costly liberal norms. Using the Minorities at Risk Organizational Behavior (MAROB) data for the Middle East, Eastern Europe, and Russia, as well as a historical analysis of three militant groups in Indonesia, I find that militant groups residing in areas that receive a large amount of media attention are more likely to support democratic practices.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
156397
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
068488
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
144941
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Ostracism from the advanced international community pursued through a number of measures from early 2014 is largely responsible for the rise of a "militant Russia" whose features mirror patriotic sentiments and attachment to the country's own values, interests and goals. Resentment over the diminished status of Russia and the will to restore the image of a great nation are shared by a large majority in society. Support for the leadership is considerable, though not blind, as suggested by occasional shifts in ratings. The nation withstands external and internal disruptions, changes in foreign policy and economic uncertainties with remarkable endurance and cohesiveness.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
122163
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
096890
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
117152
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
149713
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
An ideological dispute within the group formerly known as Boko Haram has led it to split, with both sides claiming allegiance to the Islamic State. Fulan Nasrullah examines how the jihadist schism could threaten local communities and western interests.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|