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| 1 |
ID:
119317
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| 2 |
ID:
150659
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| 3 |
ID:
128026
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Kashmir question is felt by many to be beyond resolution. As many again regard it as a situation wherein the status quo of on-going violence is now a 'conflict industry' with too much vested interest in play for any genuine avenues of negotiation to be pursued. The Kashmir Valley seems to have joined the long list of often forgotten Balkanised stories about unresolved hostilities written around the themes of geopolitics and jingoistic nationalism. The psychotherapist Justine Hardy looks at the question from another point of view, that of the psychological state of the people of Kashmir, the real stakeholders in any possible agreement between Pakistan and India over the disputed state of Jammu and Kashmir. She presents the case for adding another approach to those that appear to have stalled along the way.
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| 4 |
ID:
154373
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Corridor is, first and foremost, a vital investment for Beijing, which is slowly buying the strategic link, Beijing will soon control its new dominion, Pakistan. For India, it will be game changer as it will then directly face China on two fronts, the Northern and the Western. The Modi government should ponder about this.It is a new great but not easy game. What looks like a masterstroke on paper could turn into a nightmare for both China and Pakistan, unless India is taken onboard.But at a time Pakistan continues to fuel unrest in the Kashmir valley with the silent consent of China, how can Islamabad get New Delhi's blessings for such a gigantic project? Today, China and Pakistan may be gambling, but China has no choice but to understand India's concerns on this issue.
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| 5 |
ID:
130039
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| 6 |
ID:
145388
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| Summary/Abstract |
Drury and Oslon (1997, 1998) found a relationship between natural disasters and political unrest and the variables such as insufficient and inequitable government response and the severity of the disaster. It has been further found in few studies conducted by various scholars that vulnerabilities created by natural disasters can be exploited by rebel groups; droughts increase civil war in Africa and that natural disasters increase the risk of violent civil conflict in the short and medium term in low and middle income countries.
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| 7 |
ID:
154013
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| Summary/Abstract |
Kashmir Valley has been on the boil once again after the decimation of Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani in mid-2016. Relationship with Pakistan has gone down subsequently with consequent escalation of violence in Kashmir. Protestors and police have been clashing in the Valley on daily basis. Pakistan has been describing Wani as a ‘martyr’ and sending off letter to various international fora inviting them to take notice of human rights violations in Kashmir.
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| 8 |
ID:
089920
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Based on interviews with a cross-section of people from the Kashmir Valley including aspirants of self-determination, academics, media persons, members of the civil society, and security forces this article argues that perceptions about identity are central to the conflict in Kashmir Valley. Having successfully stemmed the tide of armed conflict militarily, it is now crucial for the government to take cognizance of and address these issues in an appropriate manner as management of these perceptions will be critical to bringing enduring peace to the Kashmir Valley.
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| 9 |
ID:
175997
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| Summary/Abstract |
Afghanistan’s age old relationship with the newly declared union territory of Kashmir is mostly seen through the prism of dispute between Islamabad and New Delhi since several decades. Among courses of events between Afghanistan and Kashmir, the Soviet withdrawal from the former in 1989 brought remarkable changes not only in Afghanistan but the spill-over effects of withdrawal were also felt in the Kashmir valley.
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| 10 |
ID:
032712
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Pamposh Publications, 1967.
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| Description |
xiv, 318p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 001180 | 954.6/BAZ 001180 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
161442
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| 12 |
ID:
122044
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| 13 |
ID:
105301
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| 14 |
ID:
114914
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The year 2011 was characterized by relative peace in the Kashmir Valley, especially when compared with the previous three years. A study undertaken on behalf of the Ministry of Home Affairs provides empirical indicators of the mood of the youth in six districts of the Valley. The study substantiates certain existing assessments based on environmental realities; however, it also raises other issues which come as a surprise to most. This article analyses five of these factors from a security perspective, based on the details that have emerged and other independent assessments. These are dovetailed to create a possible scenario which, along with the assessments, becomes the basis of policy recommendations. This is aimed at reinforcing previous successes and arresting disturbing trends in the state.
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| 15 |
ID:
054648
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| 16 |
ID:
188743
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| Summary/Abstract |
The engagement of religion in political movements adds credibility to the struggle and commands participation that is difficult for believers to disregard. The political leaders in the Kashmir Valley, from a range of positions, have gained legitimacy by linking their political movements to Islam and its icons, such as shrines and mosques, particularly in the early twentieth century. Owing to the enduring conflict in Kashmir and limited spatial availability for dissent, sacred spaces have emerged as the predominant sites of political mobilisation. By employing ethnographic research and critical discourse analysis, this study demonstrates that mosques and shrines play a notable role in Kashmir’s politics, facilitating the articulation of an oppositional discourse to the statist narrative. The article further states that the use of sacred sites and other religious symbols has favoured an Islamic framework in the conflict politics of Kashmir; nevertheless, it is not essentially an Islamic movement in terms of its goals and convictions. These concerns are explored in congruence with the ways in which religious nationalisms intersect with political movements in the public sphere of non-Western societies.
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| 17 |
ID:
127757
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| 18 |
ID:
118504
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| 19 |
ID:
122627
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| 20 |
ID:
119313
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