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| 1 |
ID:
157594
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article is a collective response to ‘Planet Politics’ by Anthony Burke et al., which was published in this journal in 2016, and billed as a ‘Manifesto from the End of IR’. We dispute this claim on the basis that rather than breaking from the discipline, the Manifesto provides a problematic global governance agenda which is dangerously authoritarian and deeply depoliticising. We substantiate this analysis in the claim that Burke et al. reproduce an already failed and discredited liberal cosmopolitan framework through the advocacy of managerialism rather than transformation; the top-down coercive approach of international law; and use of abstract modernist political categories. In the closing sections of the article, we discuss the possibility of different approaches, which, taking the Anthropocene as both an epistemological and ontological break with modernist assumptions, could take us beyond IR’s disciplinary confines.
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| 2 |
ID:
079471
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The past decade has witnessed the emergence of numerous 'cosmopolitan' theories of humanitarian military intervention. These theories anticipate a more cosmopolitan future, where interventions will be authorized by new cosmopolitan institutions and carried out by reformed cosmopolitan militaries. The contention of my article is that despite the merits of these approaches, it is often difficult to discern whether and how cosmopolitan theories can inform assessments of interventions that take place in our non-cosmopolitan present. Through taking Jürgen Habermas's judgements of two recent interventions as a 'case study', I reflect on the considerations that might come into play when cosmopolitans attempt to translate their future-orientated theories into practical engagements with the world as it
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| 3 |
ID:
099833
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The debate between contemporary cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism is hardly new. Nevertheless, much of it is based on the erroneous assumption that cosmopolitanism should be seen as an outgrowth of liberalism, and that both should be considered as the complete conceptual opposites of nationalism. In this article I focus on two of the post-war Jewish anglophile intellectuals who took part in this debate during the Cold War years: the Oxonian liberal philosopher Sir Isaiah Berlin (1909-97) and the Israeli historian Jacob L. Talmon (1916-80). I use their examples to argue that the dividing line between cosmopolitans and advocates of nationalism should not be regarded as signifying the distinction between liberals and anti-liberals; in fact, this debate also took place within the camp of the liberal thinkers themselves. I divide my discussion into three parts. Firstly, I examine Berlin's and Talmon's positions within the post-war anti-totalitarian discourse, which came to be known as 'liberalism of fear'. Secondly, I show how a sense of Jewish identity, combined with deep Zionist convictions, induced both thinkers to divorce anti-nationalist cosmopolitanism - which they regarded as a hollow, illusionary ideal associated with impossible assimilationist yearnings - from the liberal idea. I conclude by suggesting that, although neither man had ever developed a systematic theoretical framework to deal with the complex interactions between ethno-nationalism, liberal individualism and multiculturalism, Berlin's vision of pluralism provides the foundations for building such a theory, in which liberalism and nationalism become complementary rather than conflicting notions.
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| 4 |
ID:
097135
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article considers the politics of urban belonging for a religious minority, Brahmos, in Kolkata, India, through the contradictory notions of cultural particularism and cosmopolitanism. In his concept of 'Cosmopolitan Patriotism', Kwame Appiah argues attachment to a home, 'with its own cultural particularities', can co-exist with 'taking pleasure from the presence of other different places that are home to other different people'. By building on Appiah's situated cosmopolitanism I analyse Brahmo attachments to the city of Kolkata, through the particularism of the middle-class Bengali city and its conceptual other, the cosmopolitan, classless, fraternal city. But rather than representing these local and global affiliations as disjunctive, I explore how such belongings can co-exist and destabilise.
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| 5 |
ID:
087516
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although cosmopolitanism used to be associated with Western, elite practices, it has in recent years been used to describe a wider array of practices by non-elite and non-Western groups. This article explores the cosmopolitanism of Cuba's "children of the revolution" living in Spain. They are those now young adults who were born in Cuba after the revolution and who were brought up to become the socialist New Man. Theirs was a world of socialist cosmopolitanism, which simultaneously was infused with commitment to a national, territorially-based political project: an independent, socialist Cuba. However, some of these New Men and New Women now embrace ideals of cosmopolitan individualism rather than the patriotic socialism with which they were inculcated as children. Yet the cultural tools that the children of the revolution make use of in their practices and narratives of cosmopolitanism paradoxically point back to revolutionary Cuba. The article argues that cosmopolitanism as a lived practice owes to experiences within the Cuban socialist-national project and is in effect a response to the ineffectiveness of this project, not necessarily a substantive opposition to it. Social capital and habitus deriving from Cuban socialism gave the children of the revolution the desire to attain cosmopolitanism as part of their life-projects. This finding suggests that the relationship between nationalism and cosmopolitanism needs further rethinking.
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| 6 |
ID:
079473
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The aim of this paper is to explore alternative ways of thinking about ethics in world politics beyond the polis, the cosmopolis, and this tired and totalising dichotomy. However, conventional forms of political criticism are said to be inadequate to the task because the dominant theories, logics and categories through which the 'beyond' might be formulated tend to be contaminated by this very dichotomy. Therefore, drawing chiefly on the insights of Jacques Derrida and Jean-Luc Nancy, I argue that new imaginaries are required. In particular, I suggest that the concept of singularity offers theorists of international politics an alternative site around which the realm of the ethico-political may be re-conceptualised.
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| 7 |
ID:
125192
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay explores the impact of late Victorian cultural assumptions on the conduct of the South African War of 1899-1902, both at home and on the battlefield. It contends that three cultural values, intrinsic to late Victorian culture--cosmopolitanism, political egalitarianism, and race--shaped British soldiers' sense of justice at the outset of the war and, as a result, influenced their actions on and off the battlefield. This article emphasizes that the numerous "small wars" fought by British armies in the late nineteenth century, of which the South African War was the largest, were each unique and worthy of study not just as political history but as cultural military history
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| 8 |
ID:
115733
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Carl Schmitt's critique of liberalism has gained increasing influence in the last few decades. This article focuses on Schmitt's analysis of international law in The Nomos of the Earth, in order to uncover the reasons for his appeal as a critic not only of liberalism but of American hegemonic aspirations as well. Schmitt saw the international legal order that developed after World War I, and particularly the "criminalization of aggressive war," as a smokescreen to hide U.S. aspirations to world dominance. By focusing on Schmitt's critique of Kant's concept of the "unjust enemy," the article shows the limits of Schmitt's views and concludes that Schmitt, as well as left critics of U.S. hegemony, misconstrue the relation between international law and democratic sovereignty as a model of top-down domination. As conflictual as the relationship between international norms and democratic sovereignty can be at times, this needs to be interpreted as one of mediation and not domination.
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| 9 |
ID:
091641
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| Publication |
London, Pluto Press, 2009.
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| Description |
xv, 192p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780745328553
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054479 | 951/KEI 054479 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 10 |
ID:
140439
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| Summary/Abstract |
Recent scholarly conceptualisations of cosmopolitanism have often distinguished between mundane practices on the one hand and a conscious assertion of an ethical project on the other hand. But this kind of distinction may be less a matter of the simple presence or absence of a particular kind of consciousness than of the degree of self-awareness as well as of the consonance or disjuncture between this consciousness and what can actually be realised in practice. In this article I take up some of these questions of degree and disjuncture to reflect on the interaction between aspirations and circumscribed experiences occurring among two sets of Canadian travellers: (i) consultants whose specialisation in international projects involves frequent stays abroad, and (ii) young adults who have taken up opportunities for an extended stay abroad afforded by university exchanges or working holidaymakers programs.
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| 11 |
ID:
132342
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Global cities are almost by definition somewhat detached from their geographical hinterlands. Cosmopolitan and modern, they are open to external influences from other cultures and from overseas trade. But they are also vulnerable to the rise of nationalism in the country which surrounds them, as is shown by the fate of three famous cities of the Levant, Alexandria, Smyrna and Beirut. They were multicultural trading cities, linking the economies of Europe and Asia, "windows on the world", in contrast to inland capitals like Cairo Ankara and Damascus. New global cities like London, Hong Kong and Dubai also have hybrid and polyglot inhabitants, like Levantine cities of bygone days. But they will need support if their cosmopolitanism is to prevail over nationalism.
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| 12 |
ID:
113730
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article claims that we should not just look towards a utopian future in fulfilling a claim about realization of a cosmopolitan, non-national world order. Already during antiquity the idea of a transcendent universal order took on a differentiated form at the same time as there happened to be institutionalization. Since the legal revolution of the long 12th century, this duality has been constitutional and has had a hierarchical structure. However, not only was the invention legal, it was also organizational; hence, the modern political, legal and organizational powers emerged long before the more celebrated state-building processes of the 16th and 17th centuries. The point is that the order was both political and cosmopolitan, institutional and universal. The nation-state was an exception compared with this long and widespread legacy of cosmopolitan power. But the universality of subjective rights was re-institutionalized according to principles that excluded inequalities. This was set in motion even before the UN Charter, not just with the ideas of 1789 but also institutionalized in Roosevelt's New Deal together with the social and political rights that were institutionalized specifically as a consequence of the World Wars and the political claims that followed.
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| 13 |
ID:
165939
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This paper explores the nature of urbanism that caste associations seek to construct in the metropolis of Mumbai. To this end it asks: what role do caste associations play in the cosmopolitanism(s) of Mumbai? How do they help individuals negotiate cosmopolitan urbanism? What is the nature of the civility and public-ness they aspire to and work towards? What are the challenges they face? I suggest that caste associations of the ‘pure’ and ‘privileged’ work towards achieving an ideal of Hindu cosmopolitanism. Such associations may seem to be ‘bad’ cases of cosmopolitanism because they achieve a certain kind of limited openness and tolerance while continuing caste closure. However, they attempt to provide cultural roots to consumerist individuals in the urban environment. The challenges facing caste associations point both to the limits of urban Hindu cosmopolitanism as an ideal and social practice and to the lack of alterity as a necessary moral value for Hindu cosmopolitanism.
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| 14 |
ID:
143659
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 1990s witnessed a bloom of studies on the ‘standard of civilization', which all aimed to explore the future of the rift between the East and the West. The Arab Spring and its implications for the primordial competition between the East and the West has once again required the revisiting of certain, rather more contemporary, theoretical aspects of the grand debate on civilization. This paper aims to introduce current arguments pertaining to the grand debate on civilization into the context of the Arab Spring. In doing so, it seeks to offer a comparative perspective of the quest for understanding the current situation in the Middle East with particular reference to the civilization discourse which is currently on the rise in Turkish politics. Turkey is among the actors in the Middle East seeking to assume leadership in order to establish peace in the region.
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| 15 |
ID:
127015
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This in-depth conversation with Professor Andrew Linklater engages with his academic biography, his intellectual contribution to the field of International Relations (IR) and his reflections on the current state of, and challenges facing, the discipline of (IR). It thereby traces his biography from his undergraduate days in Aberdeen, via his first lectureships in Australia, back to the United Kingdom and eventually to Aberystwyth University; it engages with his main oeuvres from the 1982 book Men and Citizens in the Theory of International Relations to his most recent work on The Problem of Harm in World Politics, and covers the development of IR as a global discipline from the 1970s until today.
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| 16 |
ID:
089202
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Globalization has been the site of many renegotiations of identity, both at the supra- and subnational levels. Yet, there is an interstitial zone of communication between the global and the local in which distinct processes of boundary-making and translation take place. This essay examines mediators of internationalization, elite nationals and expatriate employees, as they negotiate the form that difference can take in the global marketplace. The contentious politics of Nepalese nationalism as well as South Asian colonial delineations of difference provide precedents for the current social practices of a cosmopolitan population that establishes a hierarchy of difference while also excusing themselves from demarcation and restricting the purview of the concept of culture. The result is a zone made safe for the operation of neoliberal business (a practice seen to be without history or geography) with alterity only allowed in narrowly commodifiable settings.
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| 17 |
ID:
062240
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| Publication |
Aldershot, Ashgate Publishers, 2005.
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| Description |
174p.
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| Series |
Ethics and global politics
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| Standard Number |
9780754642763
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049689 | 172.4/HAY 049689 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 18 |
ID:
129539
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article, I examine how social boundaries are drawn and contested by residents in a Delhi resettlement colony, established in 2004 and expanded during the wider slum clearance drive, prior to the 2010 Commonwealth Games. Drawing from life narratives, I explore how residents navigate new social terrains and decide in which situations difference becomes a salient issue. Building on literature that engages with subaltern forms of cosmopolitanism, I argue that openness and conviviality are seen as predominantly urban behaviors, external to that of the colony located on the margins of the city. Residents instead express ambivalent and sometimes contradictory subjectivities in quotidian encounters, and often see social distancing as a necessary tactic. I suggest the narratives offer a nuanced understanding of the multiple constructions of home, community, and belonging amongst the marginalized in and 'beyond' the city.
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| 19 |
ID:
102837
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article challenges the theoretical opposition between nationalism and cosmopolitanism with empirical research on the ways in which a group of ordinary Australians talked about multiculturalism in the 1980s and again in the 2000s. It shifts attention from identity work to the understanding of day-to-day social relations: it finds that they are strongly nationalist and yet also display a cosmopolitan embrace of the benefits of cultural diversity. They draw on the inclusionary resources of Australian nationalism and its history to strengthen their cosmopolitanism and calm their anxieties about living with diversity. Their commonsense conceptualising of Australia's contemporary multicultural society in terms of a mix of individuals rather than an ensemble of groups is crucial to understanding why cultural diversity has been embraced within the framework of the nation.
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| 20 |
ID:
099835
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In recent years, strong claims have been made for the breakdown of national boundaries and the reformation of national identities in an increasingly interconnected global world - driven in large part by the possibilities and limitations that emerge from an increasingly global media world. It has been argued that new postnational, cosmopolitan subjectivities accompany, enable and feed off globally oriented forms of cultural consumption. This article examines these claims in the light of unusually comprehensive data on the tastes of the white British population collected in a large national sample survey, in-depth interviews and focus groups. By identifying and analysing the geographical spread of the cultural referents of the tastes of the white British we make an empirical assessment of the claims for cosmopolitan identities. We argue that if white British identities are being reformed by processes of globalisation it is, paradoxically, in an increasingly Anglophone direction.
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