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| 1 |
ID:
191851
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the last decade, a new developmentalism has taken root across Africa, centred on promoting local production and industrialisation. One unintended consequence of this has been the proliferation of economically nationalist policy measures that have increasingly come into tension with the aims of regional integration in Africa. This article sets out to offer insights as to why these tensions are emerging by focusing on the East African Community (EAC) and the growing trend of economic nationalism among its members. Contrary to what rationalist and structuralist accounts might presume, this article argues that this rise in economic nationalism is instead reflective of a weakening of the discursive imperative – or social purpose – that had initially converged various actors around the EAC's integration agenda when revived in 2000. While drawing from the EAC's experience, it concludes by highlighting a broader legitimacy dilemma facing African regional organisations within this ‘new developmentalism’.
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| 2 |
ID:
076746
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Alfred Marshall has been seen as an economic liberal and one of the founders of the neo-classical school. However, this article challenges such conventional wisdom and argues that Marshall is best understood as an economic nationalist. Economic nationalism has been falsely associated with mercantilism, the zero-sum view of international economies, and so on. However, a new approach for studying economic nationalism has recently been proposed to redefine its conception. The present article shows that Marshall's economic thought is compatible with this new conception of economic nationalism. Marshall emphasised the role of nationality in the economic process. The characteristics of his economic thought, such as the evolutionary view of economy, conform more closely to Friedrich List's economic nationalism than to economic liberalism. By portraying Marshall's theory as that of economic nationalism, the author concludes that economic nationalism can have a systematic theory.
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| 3 |
ID:
084624
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| 4 |
ID:
084630
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| 5 |
ID:
126717
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This work examines the role of the State Department's Leader and Specialist programs in realizing the Eisenhower administration's (1953-1961) inter-American policies. Touted publically as a means of enhancing international goodwill, these two state-sponsored exchanges sought to cultivate more favorable views of the United States among foreign publics. The Leader programs invited foreigners to the United States for short-term visits, whereas the Specialist program financed extended travel for both foreign professionals going to the United States, and to Americans traveling overseas. In Argentina, Brazil, and Chile, U.S. officials emphasized the importance of persuading Latin Americans to reject economic nationalism in favor of free enterprise. Although U.S. officials attempted to direct the experiences of participants to maximize the likelihood of positive results, the programs failed to curb economic nationalism in the Americas. Nevertheless, these programs reflect the extent to which ideology and nationalism informed the policy making of U.S. officials during the early Cold War.
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| 6 |
ID:
133302
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article is a case study of work organization at the Services d'Egypte of the Suez Canal Company from the outbreak of World War II to the company's nationalization in 1956. In this multinational and multicultural workplace, organizational hierarchies and division of labor were traditionally defined according to "national" identities, while maintaining a strict segregation between européens and indigènes, to use the company's terminology. Starting in the 1930s, the company faced new measures of economic nationalism imposed by the Egyptian government, including required quotas of Egyptian personnel. These measures progressively redefined the political boundaries of the company's action in the management of its workforce. Using unpublished archival documents from the company's personnel files, this article analyzes the processes of feminization and Egyptianization of the company's office workers during World War II and the 1950s. The process was driven by a precise organizational strategy, based on both "racial" and "gender" criteria, which aimed to redefine the company's internal hierarchies and to keep management and decision making in the hands of the "Europeans," while complying with the terms of the conventions of 1937 and 1949 that regulated the relationship between the company and the Egyptian government.
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| 7 |
ID:
137188
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| Summary/Abstract |
In this article we explore whether South Korea's long-standing tradition of economic nationalism remains an appropriate development strategy, or whether this approach has been rendered irrelevant by the current wave of neoliberal globalization led by multinational corporations. We examine the changed economic agendas of each Korean regime, with a particular focus on national identity and economic nationalism, mobilized and implemented by the state. We argue that, despite the rapid development of globalization and cosmopolitanism in South Korea, economic nationalism is still prevalent. Korea's adoption of neoliberal economic activities, such as lifting trade barriers to encourage the inflow of foreign direct investment, was necessary to assist certain areas of the economy. Furthermore, changing the direction of the growth trajectory remains subordinate to the goal of state building. Empirical analysis of results collected from survey data and one-on-one interviews conducted in 2010 help to validate our hypothesis.
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| 8 |
ID:
189436
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| Summary/Abstract |
While India and the United States’ relations on the strategic and political fronts improved during 2017–2020, trade relations between the two countries noticeably worsened. Ever since their relations began to improve in the 1990s, deep divisions have existed between the two on trade issues such as market access in goods and services, intellectual property rights, and industrial policy. Given the focus on their strategic relations, successive administrations sought to manage these economic differences without public escalation of conflicts. The Trump administration’s approach deviated from this practice. While it continued to use the multilateral trading system to resolve some conflicts, it also resorted to using public shaming, tariff escalations and withdrawal of concessions in its relations with India. Although the Modi administration’s trade policy was similarly nationalist, its response to US actions were cautious. Evidence from the Modi-Trump period (2017–2020) shows that while both nationalist leaders pursued protectionist policies, the power capabilities of the states they led and the level of mutual economic dependence shaped their actions, their choice of instruments, and their ability to compel change in the other’s policies.
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| 9 |
ID:
071601
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While celebrating recent efforts to redefine 'economic nationalism' by placing nationalism and national identity - rather than the state or illiberal economic policies - at its core, this article takes issue with the tendency to provide an unnecessarily narrow specification of a new research agenda on economic nationalism. More specifically, it argues that the agenda should concern not merely how national identities and nationalism influence economic policies and processes, but also how the latter can influence the former. An argument is also made for this twoway relationship to be conceived in constitutive terms, and a study of the efforts to develop a maritime policy in Norway in the mid-1990s is presented to show the usefulness of this reformulated research agenda on economic nationalism.
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| 10 |
ID:
172071
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article shows how China became a global competitor in the railway- and construction equipment industry by using a combination of defensive and offensive mercantilist policy tools. While many scholars in IPE have recognized that economic state intervention is still commonplace, the literature focusing on economic nationalism has failed to grasp its multifaceted feature. By confusing economic nationalism with protectionism, the possibility of outward-looking measures within a mercantile strategy has been neglected. The research that does recognize the ability of states to combine global economic integration and continued market intervention, demonstrates an empirical bias towards strategic emerging industries and state-owned enterprises. This article includes the role of offensive economic policy measures as well as less strategic sectors and private- owned enterprises in China’s mercantile strategies.
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| 11 |
ID:
085888
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic nationalism is often associated with the mercantilist view. Being nationalist is viewed as non-conventional, particularly in the age of globalization in which cross-border trade and investment are perceived to bring benefits to all participants. The paper questions this notion of economic nationalism. The author argues that in today's context, policy changes that appear to be 'nationalist' may not be totally inconsistent with policies advocated by liberals. This description of economic nationalism is applicable to Singapore and Thailand. By means of a case study (involving the Shin Corporation of Thailand and Temasek Holdings Limited of Singapore), the paper shows that the governments did not hesitate to arouse local support to maximize their respective national interests while at the same time remaining active in regional and global initiatives. The decisions of the Thais and Singaporeans reflect the trend towards an increasing discomfort with globalization.
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| 12 |
ID:
152584
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| Summary/Abstract |
In his inaugural address, U.S. President Donald Trump pledged that economic nationalism would be the hallmark of his trade policy. “We must protect our borders from the ravages of other countries making our products, stealing our companies, and destroying our jobs,” he said. Within days, he withdrew the United States from the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), announced that he would renegotiate the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), and threatened to impose a special tax on U.S. companies that move their factories abroad.
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| 13 |
ID:
106744
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In September 2007 the Austrian oil and gas company, OMV, issued a declaration of intent to merge with its Hungarian competitor, MOL. The merger was regarded by MOL as a hostile takeover bid and it initiated a series of measures designed to defend its independence and position within the Central European energy market. These measures, while intended to shore up MOL's defences in the face of an increased threat of merger and acquisition from larger companies aided by the demands of the EU to liberalise the energy market, reflect the rising instance of economic nationalism within the EU and have specific implications for the promotion of solidarity at an EU level. At the same time they also reflect the increased securitisation of energy. This is important when you consider that the actions of multiple players in the battle for MOL, including Russia through involvement of Surgutneftegaz following its purchase of a series of MOL shares in March 2009, has effectively created an energy security dilemma, whereby the actions of one actor to increase its own security leads to retaliatory actions by a second actor threatened by the actions of the first. Within the Central European energy market this is happening on multiple levels and impacts the relations between EU member states, the EU and Russia. The article uses the MOL case to highlight how the geopolitics of merger and acquisition in the Central European energy market means it effectively operates in a state of persistent insecurity.
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| 14 |
ID:
161054
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic nationalism advocates state intervention in the market to create favorable symmetry in economic interdependence with other powers. All major economies have ascended to greatness with state interventions, and economic liberalism becomes a mere covert economic nationalism by hegemons. Once in control over the levers of the global economy it is in the interest of the hegemon to propagate economic liberalism to integrate other powers into asymmetrical interdependent partnerships. The Trump administration’s embrace of overt economic nationalism indicates the unravelling of the U.S. privileged geo-economic position. Relative decline is evident by a crumbling U.S. manufacturing base and narrowing superiority in innovations, the creation of alternative trade corridors outside U.S. control, and nascent rivals to the Bretton Wood institutions and the U.S. dollar. As geo-economic power shifts from the West to the East and invokes a global resurgence of economic nationalism, opportunities arise for Russia to develop more symmetry in the interdependent global economy.
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| 15 |
ID:
055141
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| 16 |
ID:
138315
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| Summary/Abstract |
Debunking the common laissez-faire myth surrounding turn-of-the-century American foreign relations allows for a reconceptualization of American imperialism from 1890 to 1913. The Republican Party, the party of protectionism, found itself riven by internal disagreements over the future of the protectionist system and U.S. imperial expansion. From within Republican protectionist ranks arose a progressive wing that increasingly looked beyond the home market for the country’s growing American agricultural and manufacturing surpluses. They did so against staunch anti-imperial opposition not only from American free-trade independents, but also from the Republican Party’s isolationist home-market protectionists, who yet feared or disdained foreign markets and colonial acquisitions. These progressive Republican proponents of empire combined coercive trade reciprocity with protectionism—an expansive closed door—and worked hard to extend American imperial power through informal means of high tariff walls, closed U.S.-controlled markets, and retaliatory reciprocity if possible, by formal annexation and military interventionism when necessary. The American Empire thus arose owing to the imperialism of economic nationalism, not the imperialism of free trade.
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| 17 |
ID:
146901
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that the primary obstacle to the independence of Indonesia’s new reform-oriented governance institutions is the extent to which foreign interests have a stake in their formal decisions. They appear to regulate or adjudicate according to rules, in Indonesian-on-Indonesian disputes. When a foreigner-versus-Indonesian pairing is at hand, domestic vested interests tend to prevail.
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| 18 |
ID:
071687
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| 19 |
ID:
121875
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how the discourse of nation functions as a mechanism furthering the expansion of a neoliberal market civilisation in Russia. It contributes to discussions that have challenged the assumed mutual exclusivity of economic nationalism and neoliberalism. The article develops its argument in the context of the idea of contemporary international society as a market civilisation characterised by an adaptation to and adoption of neoliberal standards by states. The ongoing modernisation project in Russia illustrates the workings of such standards, as exemplified by the project for an innovation city in Skolkovo, in the Moscow metropolitan area. Building on an analysis of the Skolkovo debate, the article agues that there is no inherent contradiction between economic nationalism and neoliberalism. Rather, the nation is an important symbolic system that produces a cultural susceptibility to, and a discursive field for, the introduction of neoliberal standards of market civilisation in Russia.
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| 20 |
ID:
186927
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