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| 1 |
ID:
163332
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| Summary/Abstract |
The casualty effect is a widely studied explanation of public support for war in the context of overseas military operations, yet work on the effect of casualties on support for intrastate war is scant. This paper examines the impact of local casualties on support for using military action as a conflict resolution method for intrastate war, using data from two public opinion surveys, collected in Turkey in the absence and presence of large-scale violence, and an original dataset for the local casualties. We find that local-level casualties on average increase the support for military action in ethnic wars.
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| 2 |
ID:
127616
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Armed conflict liquidated Central America's dictatorships by the end of the twentieth century. Only Costa Rica was democratic when a wave of civil wars broke out in the 1970s; by the mid-1990s, every country on the isthmus had replaced dictators or military juntas with elected presidents and legislators. Every nation in the region now allows adults at least 18 years old (or 16, in Nicaragua) to cast ballots in regularly scheduled elections
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| 3 |
ID:
163453
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| Summary/Abstract |
In contrast to the expansive literature on military casualties and support for war, we know very little about public reactions to foreign civilian casualties. This article, based on representative sample surveys in the United States and Britain, reports four survey experiments weaving information about civilian casualties into vignettes about Western military action. These produce consistent evidence of civilian casualty aversion: where death tolls were higher, support for force was invariably and significantly lower. Casualty effects were moderate in size but robust across our two cases and across different scenarios. They were also strikingly resistant to moderation by other factors manipulated in the experiments, such as the framing of casualties or their religious affiliation. The importance of numbers over even strongly humanizing frames points toward a utilitarian rather than a social psychological model of casualty aversion. Either way, civilian casualties deserve a more prominent place in the literature on public support for war.
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| 4 |
ID:
125885
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A decade of operations in heavily mined and IED prone areas have spurred huge development of route clearance technologies and the establishment of dedicated specialist organisations.
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| 5 |
ID:
193262
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| Summary/Abstract |
The central thesis of this commentary focuses on the paradox of two wars occurring in parallel with Russian aggression in Ukraine. It is not just that—in addition to military action—there is a geopolitical tsunami and its consequences in the form of a possible food crisis, mass migration, or an already open energy war. The paradox relates to the fact that a potential Ukrainian victory could have adverse effects on the welfare of European countries as a consequence of the embargo on Russian hydrocarbons and the need to replace them (assuming there is no return to the ancien régime before the Russian aggression of February 24, 2022). The defeat of the Ukrainians, on the other hand, could lead to a so-called “new opening” and a gradual return to the import of Russian energy resources (which, although they will not obtain the pre-war volume, will provide energy stability for Europe in a period of diversifying contracts and developing investments in renewable energy sources).
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| 6 |
ID:
115324
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After nearly 20 years of negotiations and peacebuilding, Palestinians are no nearer to self-determination. This article explains this failure through an analysis of the context and peacebuilding framework created as a product of the Oslo Accords and the assumptions of Western donors about how peace would be achieved. It argues that the occupied Palestinian territory (oPt) is subject to an assemblage of colonial practices - some of which are the product of Western peacebuilding. While the practices of the occupying power, Israel, has constituted one part of the colonial equation (extracting and controlling resources and settling its own people), Western peacebuilding has played another through its pursuit of a modern version of the 'mission civilisatrice'. The ideological discursive framework that binds these two parts of the colonial equation together and gives them common purpose is the 'partners for peace' discourse that has been used to justify a multitude of practices, including the arrest and detention of Palestinian politicians, military action, the withdrawal of aid and regime change.
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| 7 |
ID:
128302
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article - based on data that employs interviews conducted with British Army personnel - adopts a social theory of learning in order to examine how both formal and informal learning systems have affected organizational learning within the Army in relation to the counter-insurgency campaign in Afghanistan. It argues that while the Army has adopted new, or reformed existing, formal learning systems, these have not generated a reconceptualization of how to conduct counter-insurgency warfare. It, furthermore, argues that while informal learning systems have enabled units to improve their pre-deployment preparations, these have created adaptation traps that have acted as barriers to higher-level learning.
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| 8 |
ID:
131031
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most studies on terrorism and political violence by experts and researchers have focussed on the causation factors of terrorism over the years. A majority of the scholarly works has mostly focussed on the historical, ideological, and etiological aspects of terrorism and insurgency. Scholars, researchers and investigators have attempted to epitomise and de?ne terrorism as a phenomenon, and have admitted to the problems in ?nding a universally acceptable de?nition. They have primarily focussed on bringing out an acceptable definition of terrorism in all its manifestations and forms, and in the process, have analysed the roots, origins and growth of terrorism. Compared to the enormous literature on the growth and incline of terrorism the world over, studies or scholarly works on the decline of terrorism or insurgency are not as vast and are limited in number.' A few experts like Martha Crenshaw and Audrey Cronin have dealt with this aspect in detail.' However, these attempts comprise only a fragment of the total terrorism literature in place.
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| 9 |
ID:
141571
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| 10 |
ID:
125572
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2013.
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Following a chemical weapons attack in eastern Damascus, an international plan has been announced to secure and destroy Syria's chemical weapons stockpiles. HIS Jane's investigates the country's chemical production and storage sites.
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| 11 |
ID:
125093
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2013.
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The European Union member states split over the military intervention in Libya with France, Germany and the UK voting differently in the United Nations Security Council. This article compares news media in France and Germany to better understand the foreign policy decisions of these key actors. Using a newspaper analysis of 334 articles, it shows that the German domestic debate started very late and was much less stable than the French debate. This supports arguments that Germany's decision-making was erratic. The analysis, however, also shows that the German debate was comprehensive and included an extensive discussion of the legitimacy of intervention. This fits in well with the traditional reluctance of German foreign policy elites to support military action.
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| 12 |
ID:
184931
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| 13 |
ID:
127885
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the end of NATO 'Operation Unified Protector' in Libya there has been an intense debate in the international community with respect to the impact of the military engagement on both the emerging 'responsibility to protect' (R2P) norm as well as on the international community's commitment to enforce it. The study examines the impact of the international military intervention in Libya on this debate by looking at whether Operation Unified Protector contributed to strengthening or weakening the development of R2P. To do so, it first examines whether the authorization to use force in Libya was indeed grounded on R2P, as well as whether it was perceived as such by the international community. Secondly, the research examines whether the intervening parties' actual use of force was consistent with R2P. Finally, the research provides an assessment of the current state of R2P post-Libya.
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| 14 |
ID:
125342
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
beyond the experience of Iraq and Afghanistan, freedom of manoeuver and the associated requirement to detect, investigate, disrupt or neutralize concealed threat, will enduring across future conflicts.
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| 15 |
ID:
133796
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the first members to perish was killed barely a few weeks into the war during the retreat following the Battle of Mons on 23 August 1914. Hon Archer Windsor-Clive, a professional cricketer and lieutenant in the Coldstream Guards, was only twenty-three years old when he died in the successful British defence of the village of Landrecies, in the face of a surprise German attack on 25 August. He was one of a great number of casualities suffered by the British Expeditionary Force (BEF) on this day; indeed, 133 members of his battalion were killed, wounded or missing in action after the encounter. Windsor-Clive, the third son of the First Earl of Plymouth, represents the generation of men, regardless of wealth and background, who died at a tragically young age defending their country. In the normal course of events, these young officers - members of RUSI - would have been destined to become the nation's military and political leaders. Windsor- Clive is buried at the Landrecies Communal Cemetery in France.
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| 16 |
ID:
133316
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The authors discussed the specifics of fighting against an enemy attacking from aerospace with focus on significant differences in the actions taken by the friendly aerospace defence forces and the weapons they use in comparison with those of the strike (attacking) forces, and express their views on the best ways of using these elements of the Russian Armed Forces in one form or another.
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| 17 |
ID:
155000
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| 18 |
ID:
131174
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Ukraine troops retook Donetsk airport on 27 May from pro-Russian rebel forces in the largest engagement to date in the current conflict in eastern Ukraine.
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| 19 |
ID:
128543
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| Publication |
2014.
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This article argues that U.S. occupations in the Dominican Republic, Nicaragua, and Haiti in the first third of the twentieth century lasted as long as they did for political reasons. U.S. military commanders disagreed with civilians in the State Department partly because of a lack of both policy guidance and interdepartmental coordination. In addition, State grew more sensitive than Navy to negative public opinion both foreign and domestic and to national political strategy. Marines, meanwhile, were more driven to reform the societies they occupied but also less sensitive to their own abuses, to changing norms, and to geopolitical reasons for ending occupations.
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| 20 |
ID:
094644
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