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| 1 |
ID:
087824
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the Dhofar campaign in Oman (1965-75), and the role Britain played in assisting the Omani royal government against left-wing insurgents. Using existing secondary sources and declassified British government papers, it reassesses the contribution of British military advisers and special forces to the counter-insurgency (COIN) campaign, the balance between military action and civil affairs, the external dimension of the conflict, and intelligence and covert operations. It concludes by assessing whether the Dhofar War offers any guidance to Western armed forces involved in contemporary COIN campaigns such as those in Afghanistan and Iraq.
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| 2 |
ID:
080790
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Today there are many calls for other elements of the government to do more to 'do their part', assist the military to restore order and stability and 'win the peace' in Iraq and Afghanistan, and prepare for similar roles in future conflicts. The authors here instead briefly review the history of US armed forces' involvement in military governance operations from the Mexican War through World War II, and recommend the re-establishment of a School of Military Government similar to that created during the latter conflict
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| 3 |
ID:
129449
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2013.
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This research note examines the growth of Chinese-foreign marriage in mainland China since 1979. From the founding of the People's Republic of China (PRC) in 1949 until the early 1990s, Chinese-foreign marriage was an unusual occurrence in the country. Statistics compiled by the PRC's Ministry of Civil Affairs indicate that the number of couples registering a Chinese-foreign marriage in mainland China increased almost tenfold between 1979 and 2010, although that figure has since stabilized at a lower rate. The article explores these changes in three stages. First, it maps the architecture of the PRC's Marriage Laws and reform-era regulations on marriage registration, showing how Chinese-foreign marriages have been categorized as different types of 'cross-border' and international marriages. Second, it provides a statistical breakdown of the number, type and gendered composition of Chinese-foreign marriages registered in mainland China between 1979 and 2010. It concludes by highlighting the gendered character and spatial dimensions of mainland Chinese-foreign marriages, and pointing to their largely 'intracultural' as opposed to international bases.
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| 4 |
ID:
127808
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2014.
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Small wars" have returned to the international political agenda in the early twentieth century with almost a vengeance. Leaving aside the factors of social media and satellite television today, the nature of small wars has adhered to its politicized, xenophobic, and asymmetrical characteristics. The latter were predicted by British and American military manuals produced in the early to middle twentieth century. This special issue aims to revisit the nature of small wars in the era of great power interventions in Iraq, Afghanistan, and Libya in the 2000s. It will be apparent that two further characteristics need to be appended to small wars: chameleonic missions and virtual aggression.
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| 5 |
ID:
128526
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2000 in New Delhi, urban decentralization has mainly come in the form of the highly visible Bhagidari or partnership scheme, inviting city residents to participate in a "process of dialogue and the discovery of joint-solutions." This paper critically examines this program between 2000 and 2012, through the experiences of primarily middle-class neighbourhood organizations (called Resident Welfare Associations, or RWAs) that were included in the scheme. The paper argues that rather than constitutional decentralization, Bhagidari as an initiative must be read in terms of a larger shift to entrepreneurial governance. Bhagidari's success has been in delegating management to voluntary middle-class neighbourhood associations called RWAs, at little cost to city government, while seemingly opening up a "participatory" space for middle-class urban issue image_86_4_Decentralized Delhi_Mehraresidents in civic affairs. However, the article argues that Bhagidari's impact has come to represent an attempt at harnessing and managing the new middle-class aspiration to engage with urban government for administrative and political ends. In this context, Bhagidari has also been seen as an important means of cultivating middle-class consent and a constituency through courting RWAs for an ambitious chief executive. Over time, this has become a common strategy for building political and civic visibility for a range of actors, and thus the number of RWAs has proliferated
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