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| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
142306
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2010 the National Security Council (NSC) has won plaudits for improving the clarity and regularity of national-security co-ordination. It has also been criticised for strategic shortcomings and a lack of capacity to drive forward the implementation of its decisions across government. Joe Devanny appraises the NSC's performance and future prospects, although without access to NSC proceedings it is difficult to infer the quality of its decisions or the coherence of its policies from the ambiguous evidence of apparent policy outcomes or public statements. So closely is the NSC associated with Prime Minister David Cameron that his expected retirement by 2020 renders its future uncertain.
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| 2 |
ID:
125028
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
FOREIGN POLICY cannot remain frozen; it is as fluid as any other sphere of social relations. Indeed, at different stages of human history, wars, national and religious movements, technical innovations, and scientific discoveries triggered changes in world politics. In the last five years, global economy gradually recovering from the world crisis which began in 2008 has been a catalyst of such changes. Economic problems which have not yet left the stage affected and continue to affect the UK foreign policy.
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| 3 |
ID:
187417
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This analysis contributes to a fast-growing body of literature on Sino-Western relations and the tension between economic and security interests. It takes Britain's China policy as a case study considering the Integrated Review 2021. It argues that London's stance towards Beijing has shifted – officially – from the so-called “golden era” to a complex phase of diplomatic–military tensions and scrutinised economic relations, principally because of US pressure. However, this shift de facto has not had a structural impact on the economic side of the relationship between London and Beijing. The article reaches this conclusion by framing its narrative through the lens of the economy-security conundrum at the heart of the Liberal International Order and through the lens of the New Cold War between the US and China. These two factors are crucial for understanding the change between Britain's China policy pre- and post-2016.
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| 4 |
ID:
179554
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UK governments have often claimed that humanitarian intervention – without the consent of the target state and if necessary without express UN Security Council authorization – is legally permissible in exceptional circumstances, a stance that is highly controversial. The UK’s position is at odds with prevailing international legal doctrine, which is counterintuitive for a country that is generally committed to international law, the UN framework, and multilateralism. It is also in tension with normative developments related to human protection, such as the international ‘Responsibility to Protect’ principle, which established that coercive responses to human suffering must be authorized by the UN Security Council. This article explores the background to the UK’s position on humanitarian intervention, and it argues that this reflects an element of continuity in the UK’s foreign policy in historical perspective, as a legacy of global engagement and a sense of moral righteousness and duty. The article also considers whether the UK’s position may be contributing to an evolution of the norms governing the use of force for human protection.
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| 5 |
ID:
178637
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| Summary/Abstract |
“Global Britain” has become the framing concept for post-Brexit foreign policy pursued by successive Conservative prime ministers. Despite exaggerated rhetoric to the contrary, this has not led to a significant shift in Britain’s Gulf strategy, but rather intensified the pursuit of the existing network of bilateral relationships underpinned by security cooperation, defence exports and inward investment. A modest uplift of UK military presence in the Gulf has not demonstrably increased UK influence in the region or over the regional decisions of the Trump administration. This leaves the UK more exposed to risk from deteriorating relations between the US and Iran. It also highlights the delicate balance between Britain’s increasing focus on pursuing domestic economic objectives and its modest defence, diplomatic and security contribution to stability in the Gulf. As Saudi Arabia and the UAE pursue increasingly active and independent regional policies, the UK must reappraise commitments implicit in its interdependent trade- and security-focused strategy to prepare for the possibility of difficult choices, both between allies and about the nature of UK involvement in future regional conflicts.
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| 6 |
ID:
190669
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyzes the UK government’s response to international order transition as seen through its recent foreign policy ‘tilt’ toward the ‘Indo-Pacific’. It suggests that in post-Brexit Britain the determinants of foreign policy are increasingly complex involving an attempt to balance domestic policy, manage internal party conflict and establish an “independent” position in international relations in the context of US attempts to build a “grand alliance” against China. Our central argument is that the UK policy shift toward the Indo-Pacific is informed in large part by a changing dominant narrative on China and in particular by perceptions of China as “systemic competitor” in the global political economy. We argue that not only is the “tilt” at this point in time based on rather questionable assumptions regarding the UK’s relationship with the ‘region’ but that ‘international order transition’ is more complex than is suggested by the new UK policy orientation. Limited in terms of conventional military power, the UK tilt strategy focuses on effecting institutional and normative change and positions the UK as a ‘soft power superpower’ alongside the United States in the region. In the context of renewed international political and economic crisis the “tilt” expresses the contradictions that lie at the heart of UK foreign policy rather than offering a clearly defined and viable new orientation for “global Britain.”
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| 7 |
ID:
153645
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| Summary/Abstract |
The United Kingdom’s awkward relationship with the countries on the European continent reflects the ambiguity of its national identity, wavering between European engagement and the English-speaking peoples, as much as differences over economic interests. The founding narrative of West European integration, after the Second World War, has also weakened with generational change, the end of the Cold War and eastern enlargement. Developing persuasive new narratives both for the United Kingdom and the European Union (EU) are necessary but difficult tasks for continuing cooperation.
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| 8 |
ID:
143592
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| Summary/Abstract |
On 29 August 2013, the UK House of Commons inflicted the first defeat on a Prime Minister over a matter of war and peace since 1782. Recalled to debate and vote on UK intervention in Syria, the Commons humbled the government and crucially impacted the development of UK foreign policy. This article places that vote, and the developments leading to it, in the context of the role of parliaments in security policy and explores the relationships between parliamentary influence, leadership, intra-party and intra-coalition politics, and public opinion. From an in-depth analysis of leaders’ statements and parliamentary debate, we find a combination of intra-party politics and party leadership were most significant. An additional factor – the role of historical precedent – was also important. Our analysis explores the fluidity and interconnectedness of the various factors for parliamentary influence in foreign policy and offers directions for future theoretical development and empirical research.
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