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ID:
146495
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| Contents |
This article investigates the latest developments and changes in China's increasingly active diplomacy towards Afghanistan. This is interpreted from two perspectives. First, focusing on China's domestic perspective the author points out that under the ‘one belt, one road’ initiative, China's interests in Afghanistan have expanded, particularly in the area of transport; it has started seriously to consider Afghanistan as a transport corridor. The other perspective considers the withdrawal of US military forces and the International Security Assistance Force (ISAF) from Afghanistan in 2014, which has been followed by a critical transitional period. Concerned by these developments, China has increased its involvement and taken on more responsibilities, as demonstrated by the unprecedented frequency of Chinese senior officials’ visits to Afghanistan; the significant increase of bilateral aid to Afghanistan; and above all, the fact that Beijing has begun to coordinate negotiations between the Taliban and the Afghan government. The process of political reconciliation in the country will be extremely difficult and a quick solution is not to be expected. With regard to the idea that the Chinese are filling a ‘vacuum’ left by the US, the article argues that the so-called vacuum does not actually exist because the US military presence was temporary and the withdrawal of the US forces represents a return to the normal state of affairs. Also, excluding the US is not part of Beijing's policy in this area; rather, it is cooperating with the US and other countries in assisting Afghanistan.
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| 2 |
ID:
192498
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| Summary/Abstract |
D
ue to its unique geographical and geopolitical location,
Central Asia has always been a crossroads for great powers.
Because of the special nature of relations between Central
Asia and Russia, great power relations for the Central Asian countries
are of particular importance, including with regard to their political
security. Therefore, proper management of great power relations is not
only a diplomatic skill for Central Asian countries, but also a way to
ensure their security and stability.
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| 3 |
ID:
057695
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| 4 |
ID:
058856
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| 5 |
ID:
120956
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's interests in and expectations from the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) and Central Asia often overlap. China is currently developing cooperative institutions in areas such as security, energy, and economic development, among others. Subsequently, China finds itself in-between the SCO and Central Asia's most difficult questions and dilemmas.
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| 6 |
ID:
184552
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| Summary/Abstract |
The collapse of any global empire always had a profound and lasting
impact on the entire world history, and the disintegration of the Soviet
Union was also the case. The Soviet Union was more than just a
country; it was an “empire” that united countries covering the Eurasian
continent, a military alliance and a large economic association, as well
as a worldwide ideology and a peculiar social system.
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| 7 |
ID:
075236
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO) is intended to improve the security of its member states and foster economic cooperationbetween them. Though the fight against terrorism, separatism and religious extremism remains its primary function, Zhao Huasheng notes that other purposes have been added to the common agenda, such as the repression of the drug trade and organised crime, ensuring the departure of non member military forces stationed in SCO states, building up trade and investment and setting up an energy exporters and consumers club..
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| 8 |
ID:
070324
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