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ID:
180535
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many studies have identified the rise of the drug trade in the inner-city slums of Ankara’s Altındağ district in the wake of post-urban transformation projects (UTPs). However, none of them has thus far discussed the surge of such organized criminal activity in relation to the wider urban policy regime of Turkey. This paper offers the concept of advanced marginality to understand the complex relations between neoliberal urban governmentality and its repercussions in local areas, which results in UTPs, the disintegration of communality, the emergence of slums, and the rise of illicit enterprises. The paper argues that the formation of organized drug trade in Altındağ following the development of UTPs is an outcome of the advanced marginality resulting from the changing urban governmentality and its deliberate neoliberal political preferences.
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| 2 |
ID:
100708
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
LOCATED PARTLY IN EUROPE and partly in Asia - in two most important and problem-ridden regions of the world, Turkey is following an uncommonly proactive and ambitious foreign policy. On the one hand. Turkish diplomacy is engaged in dialogue to resolve problems with its close neighbors. On the other, Ankara is trying to establish a "belt of peace" around it by mediating in resolving important regional issues, such as Iran's nuclear program, the Nagorno-Karabakh conflict and the Arab-Israeli confrontation.
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| 3 |
ID:
180038
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines patterns of gender relations in Ankara in the early 1950s. Based in part on the unpublished memoirs of Kemal Tanyolaç, who provided extensive details of his bachelor years in Ankara, this article explores a wide variety of relationships between men and women, from traditional marriage-oriented matchmaking and modern dating, through business relationships as work colleagues or landlord and tenant, to different types of illicit sexual relations. We look at changes in how men and women viewed each other and their relationships, and what effects that had on the ongoing social changes of the time. We argue that all types of relationships and the possibilities they entailed, including prostitution, need to be understood in complex, nuanced ways in order to understand the society that was emerging in post-Second World War urban Turkey.
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| 4 |
ID:
057698
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| 5 |
ID:
169054
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| Summary/Abstract |
Urban space is accepted as an inextricable part of public life. It is assumed that the upper-middle class has been sequestering itself from the rest of society by living in enclosed and private spaces. This intentional disengagement from public life and public spaces has been studied by the literature on gated communities. This article operationalizes the gated community beyond the debate on social segregation and includes it in the discussion of the use, production and transformation of urban spaces along with the isolation, privatization, and idealization of a specific place. This study departs from the understanding that the gated community is simply a new form of social segregation. Instead, it acknowledges enclosed residential areas as semi-public spaces in which attributes of public and private spaces are merged.
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| 6 |
ID:
115844
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| 7 |
ID:
122230
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ongoing civil conflict in Syria - a significant external security threat for neighbouring Turkey - has found Ankara unable to formulate a fully successful response. Shashank Joshi and Aaron Stein argue that the recent deployment of NATO's Patriot missile-defence system is a compromise solution that indicates how dependent Turkish defence and security policy still is on its Western allies.
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| 8 |
ID:
091345
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| 9 |
ID:
150340
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Ankara is cozying up to Moscow in a momentary fit of pique with the West, but economic and security realities make it likely that Turkey will stay in NATO’s camp.
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| 10 |
ID:
116608
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For most of the 20th century, Turkey chose not to get involved in Middle Eastern affairs. During the past decade, however, in a remarkable departure from this Kemalist tradition (based on the ideology of the republic's founder, Mustafa Kemal Atatürk), Ankara has become a very active and important player in the region. Under the Justice and Development Party (AKP) government since 2002, Turkey has established closer ties with Syria, Iran, and Iraq, assumed a leadership position in the Organization of the Islamic Conference (OIC), attended Arab League conferences, and contributed to UN forces in Lebanon. It has also mediated in the Syrian-Israeli conflict as well as the nuclear standoff with Iran. Ankara's diplomatic engagements with Iran and Hamas have led to differences with the United States and Israel, leaving many wondering if Turkey has been turning away from its Western orientation or if it was just a long overdue shift East to complete Turkey's full circle of relations.
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| 11 |
ID:
151914
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| 12 |
ID:
139386
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The Middle East is going through a period of profound change in the wake of the Arab Spring, and there are several dynamics and actors shaping the contours of the change. China is one of the relatively new actors on this stage, actively engaging the Middle East both economically and politically. Beijing’s dependence on Middle East hydrocarbons is increasing, and the stakes are rising in the competition between global powers seeking to secure their interests in the region. It is therefore crucial to examine how relations between China and the countries of the region are taking shape. This essay investigates how Turkey’s relations with China have been evolving in recent years within the context of a changing Middle East and how these relations, at both the bilateral and the regional levels, will be an important factor shaping the dynamics of a transforming region.
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