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| 1 |
ID:
062459
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| Summary/Abstract |
In today's interconnected world, weak and failed states pose an acute risk to U.S. and global security. Anticipating, averting, and responding to conflict requires more planning and better organization -- precisely the missions of the State Department's new Office of the Coordinator for Reconstruction and Stabilization
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| 2 |
ID:
027461
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| Publication |
London, Cornell University Press, 1983.
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| Description |
x, 372p.
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| Series |
Cornell studies in political economy
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| Standard Number |
0801492505
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 022882 | 327/KRA 022882 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
176439
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| 4 |
ID:
093661
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2009.
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| Description |
x, 312p.
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| Standard Number |
9780415774826
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054724 | 327/KRA 054724 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
057986
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| 6 |
ID:
105373
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The book under discussion is James C. Scott's latest contribution to the study of agrarian politics, culture, and society, and to the ways that marginalized communities evade or resist projects of state authority. The book offers a synoptic history of Upland Southeast Asia, a 2.5 million-kilometer region of hill country spanning Vietnam, Cambodia, Laos, Thailand, Burma, and China. It offers a kind of "area study." It also builds on Scott's earlier work on "hidden transcripts" of subaltern groups and on "seeing like a state." The book raises many important theoretical questions about research methods and social inquiry, the relationship between political science and anthropology, the nature of states, and of modernity more generally. The book is also deeply relevant to problems of "state-building" and "failed states" in places like Afghanistan, Iraq, and Somalia. As Scott writes, "The huge literature on state-making, contemporary and historic, pays virtually no attention to its obverse: the history of deliberate and reactive statelessness. This is the history of those who got away, and state-making cannot be understood apart from it. This is also what makes it an anarchist history" (p. x).
In this symposium, I have invited a number of prominent political and social scientists to comment on the book, its historical narrative, and its broader theoretical implications for thinking about power, state failure, state-building, and foreign policy. How does the book shed light on the limits of states and the modes of resistance to state authority? Are there limits, theoretical and normative, to this "anarchist" understanding of governance and the "art of being governed"?
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| 7 |
ID:
108949
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| 8 |
ID:
142896
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is only a short list of major variables that we can deploy to understand social phenomena. For the international environment really only three: material power (military and economic), material interests, and values. The relative weight that analysts and policymakers give to each of these depends on the specific phenomena that they are trying to understand. For any effort to explain the dynamics of international politics and the nature of international regimes, power remains the single most potent factor.
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