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| 1 |
ID:
106563
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| 2 |
ID:
182418
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese military activities in the Yellow Sea have visibly increased. Compared to the South or East China Sea, however, China has not escalated tensions to the strategic level by employing paramilitary and nonmilitary tools of influence. The “regional hegemony” thesis can partially explain the increase of China’s military activities at the operational level. But it does not explain why China refrains from posing strategic challenges in the Yellow Sea in the way it does in the South and East China Seas. I argue that China’s defense advantages in the Yellow Sea and strategic interests in maintaining close ties with South Korea have motivated Beijing to avoid strategic crisis in the Yellow Sea. Simultaneously, however, the strategic competition with the United States has motivated China to accumulate its influence through military activities in the region. This article traces China’s military activities in the Yellow Sea and examines the Chinese discourses on this understudied region.
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| 3 |
ID:
101904
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With China's clout growing, the international community needs to better understand China's strategic thinking. But China's core interests are to promote its sovereignty, security, and development simultaneously -- a difficult basis for devising a foreign policy.
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| 4 |
ID:
187927
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| Summary/Abstract |
The China-ROK boundary disputes in the Yellow Sea and the associated fishing conflict are often neglected in the rich body of literature on China’s maritime disputes. This article examines the question of why and how China has persistently pursued a de-escalatory posture in the Yellow Sea in the past decade despite having considerably hardened its posture in the East and South China Seas. I argue that the high stakes China has in its bilateral ties with South Korea create strong incentives for Beijing to deescalate maritime controversies whereas the absence of broad-based hawkish pressure at home creates a permissive domestic political climate for Beijing to pursue de-escalation. This paper also evaluates conditions that may facilitate a hardening Chinese position.
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| 5 |
ID:
110689
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
AT NO time since the end of the Cold War have U.S.-China relations been worse. Yes, in the past there have been periodic confrontations over Taiwan, and tensions over the American bombing of the Chinese embassy in Belgrade and the Chinese fighter-jet collision with an American reconnaissance plane over the South China Sea. But the current downturn reflects a potential long-term trend with the likelihood of protracted strategic conflict. Equally troubling, this raising of tensions is not only unnecessary but also potentially costly to the United States.
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| 6 |
ID:
112194
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Chinese People's Liberation Army Navy (PLAN)'s recent accomplishments are impressive but have not gone beyond 'pocket excellence', as its overall structure and equipment are still out of date. However, the PLAN now has ships and powerful weapons that enable it to extend its combat range and engage its foes in a relatively large-scale maritime campaign beyond the Yellow Sea-its traditional battlefield. Depending on the nature of operations, it may already be able to carry out blue water missions around the first island chain in the West Pacific. Yet this article argues that due to its inherent weaknesses the PLAN has so far positioned itself as a regional navy, not a global one, in terms of its missions and capability building. On the other hand, the notion of a regional navy is open ended. As the PLAN acquires more ocean-going warships, its combat reach will incrementally expand, and its current defensive posture will acquire more teeth.
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| 7 |
ID:
100239
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| 8 |
ID:
058027
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| 9 |
ID:
128713
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| 10 |
ID:
103154
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| 11 |
ID:
115423
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| 12 |
ID:
157285
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Kim Jong-un regime has demonstrated that at some point in the near future, it likely will be able to target the continental United States with a high-yield nuclear weapon, which has increased tension and raised the prospect that a future war on the Korean peninsula could result in a nuclear strike on an American city.
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