|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
131507
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Two parallel norms mandate an international duty to hold state leaders individually accountable for serious corruption and human rights crimes. The development of these new norms is poorly explained by realist and neoliberal perspectives, but there are also weaknesses in recent constructivist explanations of norm diffusion that emphasize agency at the expense of structure. Such approaches have difficulty explaining the source of and similarities between new norms, and treat norm entrepreneurs as prior to and separate from their environment. In contrast, drawing on sociological institutionalism, we present a more structural explanation of individual accountability norms. The norms derive from an overarching modernist world culture privileging individual rights and responsibilities, as well as rational-legal authority. This culture is more generative of norm entrepreneurs than generated by them. The specific norms are instantiated through a process of "theorization" within permissive post-Cold War conditions, and diffused via mimicry, professionalization, and coercive isomorphism
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
058633
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
125285
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
It happens all the time, but it still surprises me when I hear the women I work with in India's rural villages discuss violence and forced sex with disconcerting nonchalance. They say things like, "if I don't cook well, can't take care of the children well or refuse sex, I will have to face a beating. In these villages, living in a violent home is so commonplace that to live without violence is described as a supernatural occurrence. Of the women who don't face violence, others will say, "Yes, a few have very good kismet or destiny."
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
190877
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Why do people cooperate with police in multi-ethnic societies? For scholars of comparative politics and international relations, examining the effects of ethnicity on patterns of conflict, cooperation, and state repression remains a foundational endeavor. Studies show individuals who share ethnicity are more likely to cooperate to provide public goods. Yet we do not know whether co-ethnic cooperation extends to the provision of law and order and, if so, why people might cooperate more with co-ethnic police officers. In the context of policing, I theorize co-ethnic bias affects interactions between people and the police because individuals prefer officers who share their ethnicity and fear repression more when encountering non-co-ethnic officers. Using a conjoint experiment in Uganda, I demonstrate that individuals prefer reporting crimes to co-ethnic officers, even after controlling for potential confounders. Broadly, this result is strongest among individuals with no trust in the police, the courts, or the political authorities. These findings have important implications for the politics of policing, conflict, and social order.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
131143
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The gang rape and murder of two minor girls in Uttar Pradesh brings to the fore factors such as cast dynamics and police apathy behind the growing crimes against women.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
121251
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Stability preservation (??, weiwen) has been a core policy of the Chinese
communist government for the last two decades. China is the only major
country in the contemporary world to have set up stability preservation
offices at all levels of government alongside the normal administrative
institutions for social control. These offices are mainly staffed by the
existing personnel of the security apparatus, who in turn exercise control
over people and the propaganda apparatus, who exercise control over
information. The consequences of the stability preservation policy and
the "system of stability preservation" (????, weiwen tizhi) are widely
reported in the media, but the academic community is still in the initial
stages of understanding the process of this unique phenomenon in China
(Sandby-Thomas 2011; Shambaugh 2000; Social Development Research
Group 2010; Sun 2009; Yu 2009). Why has the Chinese government
pursued this policy? Is stability preservation in China a conventional
issue of "law and order"? Are the policy and institutions of stability
preservation effective in providing social and political stability? What are
the implications of these special arrangements for China and the Chinese
communist regime in the long run?
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
124683
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
On October 29, the largest paramilitary force in India, the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF), ushered in its 75th year. A new logo was released by director general Dilip Trivedi on October 28 to mark the diamond jubilee of the force which has seen several incarnations, identity crises and re-orientation of roles in its chequered history. One would have expected a little more certainty at age 75, but all that DG Trivedi feels confident about is being "the lead force for internal security," and now the "nodal agency for force mobilisation for elections".
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
181861
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
What are the effects of state repression on public perceptions of police? And to what extent are these effects uniform or conditional on individuals’ loyalty to political authorities? I argue that repression by the police negatively affects how people evaluate the police, especially among those who do not support the ruling party. People who oppose the regime are more likely to fear the police following a repressive event relative to regime supporters. To test this argument, I leverage a unique research design opportunity that emerges from the social media tax protest led by Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu (also known as Bobi Wine) and subsequent selective repression by the Uganda Police Force while a nationally representative survey on police and security was being administered in Uganda. I demonstrate selective repression of protesters decreased support for the police. These effects are largely driven by political loyalty; repression has a stronger effect on how members of the opposition evaluate the police relative to incumbent supporters.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
134032
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
International justice is characterized by the global articulation of basic human rights and peremptory norms outlawing crimes against humanity. In the twenty-first century, an international obligation of states to pursue individuals who bear responsibility for gross violations of human rights has formalized. Since the 1999 independence referendum, Timor-Leste has struggled to achieve substantive justice for the human rights violations committed during Indonesia's 25-year de facto administration. Timor-Leste provides a unique case study on the international dimensions of pursuing justice in a post-conflict transitional context, particularly as many alleged perpetrators of rights violations have been shielded by Indonesia. This presents a challenge for Timor-Leste in balancing its various international and domestic priorities: while domestic political order and rule of law necessitates the pursuit of substantive justice, Timor-Leste's external security interests require a positive relationship with Indonesia. This article examines the world's first bilateral Truth and Reconciliation Commission, the Indonesia-Timor-Leste Commission of Truth and Friendship. It then analyses the implementation of the Commission's recommendations by Indonesia and Timor-Leste. The paper argues that the Commission was primarily a political mechanism designed to support international priorities rather than substantive justice.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
188233
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Israeli law is an important medium that maintains, perfects, and facilitates the fragmentation of Palestinians. Israeli citizenship figures in this structure of fragmentation as an exceptionalizing legal status that blurs “colonial difference” between Palestinian citizens in Israel and Jewish Israelis. The May 2021 uprising and its aftermath not only highlighted the counter-fragmentary forces present among Palestinians across different legal statuses, it also brought into clearer view a rule of “colonial difference” that crisscrosses the Israeli legal system and pertains to all Palestinians under its control. This essay explores the concept of “colonial difference” as applied to Palestinians through the law, and how this rule has been employed in the context of the May 2021 uprising against Palestinian citizens in particular.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
130604
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Kautilya"s Arthasastra composed and compiled, in Sanskrit, between the 4"' Century BCE to the 3"' Century CE, is an exhaustive treatise on statecraft and issues of diplomacy, war, peace. intelligence, security, law, and political economy. Discovered in full text form in the early 1900s and then translated into English and
other languages, it is one gem of political theory which stands out prominently in the corpus of the rich but under-explored indigenous ancient history of India. Johann Jakob Meyer, the German lndologist and translator of the work from Sanskrit to German in 1927, remarked that Kautizya's Arthasastra is not a book but a library of ancient India.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
059137
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2004.
|
| Description |
p157-177
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
077842
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
180528
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
In his first term (2012–2017), Xi Jinping’s signature domestic policy was an anti-corruption campaign that targeted political enemies and venality in public office. The anti-corruption work has continued in his second term while being superseded in domestic political importance by a campaign to “Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil (2018–2020).” On the surface, the campaign to Sweep Away Black and Eliminate Evil is an anti-crime campaign that focuses on the “black and evil forces” of organized crime and their official protectors, but its scope extends well beyond the ganglands to target a wide range of social and political threats to the Chinese Communist Party (CCP). Drawing on interviews with government officials, police and citizens as well as analysis of policy documents, this paper argues that the campaign is a populist initiative designed to bolster CCP legitimacy and serve as a mechanism of social control. Like the Chongqing prototype that inspired it, however, the campaign harbors a dark side that could undermine the contemporary Chinese social contract in which people are willing to sacrifice personal freedoms in exchange for security and material benefits.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
091167
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2009.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Some in the Pubjab government mention the alleged corruption among district governments as one reason for their imminent abolition, while the nazims the Herald talked to vehementhly deny corruption charges.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
141565
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Something unusual happened around this time last year. A 25-year-old Pakistan Army soldier, Tariq Yunus, was kidnapped from Karachi’s Saddar area where he was shopping and was shot dead later. The police called his abduction and murder a “reaction to the killing” of a suspected Lyari gangster in an “encounter” — or a shootout. “First such incident in recent times,” proclaimed a police press release issued on September 15, 2014.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
082341
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|