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| 1 |
ID:
109713
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| 2 |
ID:
129394
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| 3 |
ID:
102728
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| 4 |
ID:
129247
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| 5 |
ID:
118102
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| 6 |
ID:
117566
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| 7 |
ID:
123102
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Andrew J. Nathan AND Andrew Scobell analyze the gains and losses to Chinese security from the country's embrace of globalization in the post-Mao period. They argue that while China has grown richer and more influential, it has also been penetrated by global forces that it does not control and enmeshed in complex relationships of interdependence.
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| 8 |
ID:
109039
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| 9 |
ID:
134076
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Tumen River area is considered to be strongly affected by geopolitics, and the GTI programme still has a very long way to go before it can be declared a success story. This article argues that political factors may have a steadily increasing effect on the GTI as part of a geoeconomic micro-regionalist framework. Indeed, political rivalries among the participants often appear more salient than regional
ones. Moreover, an economic explanation for China's involvement in the TRADP is to some extent feasible, but not significantly persuasive. Furthermore, North Korea has tended to be increasingly wary of Chinese investment. Due to the strong South Korean connection with Yanbian, a great concern about rising Korean nationalism has also arisen in the Chinese government. Russia, for its part, may be committed to the project primarily due to its separatist-minded Russian Far East. Japan, however, is not geographically connected by land to the region, but in order to generate positive spill-over effects that include the Japanese economy, the GTI is in need of expanding its geographical coverage to also include the sea area of the East Sea (of the ROK). In the long term, the TRADP need not adhere to the GTI's previous formula of multilateralism. According to policy options, bilateral or trilateral frameworks are preferable.
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| 10 |
ID:
099009
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| 11 |
ID:
142233
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the United Nations Development Programme formally introduced the concept of human security in 1994, it was widely celebrated as a long-overdue humanist alternative to orthodox models of security. Today, human security is a buzzword for describing the complex challenges that individuals and communities face in achieving safety and wellbeing in an insecure world. This article directs attention away from the emancipatory and empowering qualities commonly ascribed to human security to explore, instead, the specific role of benchmarking within the wider human security agenda. The main focus here is on the ways in which human life has been operationalised, measured, and classified to create indicators that permit judgements about individual security and insecurity. The article argues that although a single global human security benchmark has yet to be established, the main indices used as performance metrics of human insecurity have produced a narrow understanding of what it means to live a ‘secure’ life and have reinforced the state as the main focal point of international security governance.
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| 12 |
ID:
118556
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| 13 |
ID:
102344
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| 14 |
ID:
113568
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| 15 |
ID:
118242
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| 16 |
ID:
181675
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article locates the Government of India’s refusal to grant refugee status to Afghans in Delhi in the aftermath of the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 within the Cold War politics of the era. I trace this history through internal communications of the Ministry of External Affairs of the Government of India from 1979 to 1983. I argue that the Indian government’s response to Afghan arrivals was shaped by geopolitical and diplomatic contingencies rather than humanitarian ones. I also examine the intertwined history of Afghan refugees and the establishment of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees’ office in Delhi, India.
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| 17 |
ID:
154482
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| Summary/Abstract |
The UN′s Sustainable Development Goals agenda points far into 2030, which shows that its post-war development endeavour is not functioning effectively. This article implements a discourse analysis of the UN Development Programme′s (UNDP) Human Development Reports (HDR) and exposes their internal contradictions. This analysis enables a critical reflection on the UNDP′s political position: its reports conceal the political causes of underdevelopment. By concealing the antagonistic/conflictual dimension of social issues – poverty, inequality, and exclusion – the UNDP naturalises the actual neoliberal order. The HDR turns political problems into technical issues; according to this approach, no power relations have to be changed in order to overcome underdevelopment.
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| 18 |
ID:
107310
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| 19 |
ID:
107681
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| 20 |
ID:
092250
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