|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
108469
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Transnational Islamic organizations play a significant role in the lives of Germany's substantial Turkish Muslim population. Nonetheless the relation between these movements and German authorities is far from uniform. While the Milli Görüs, is the largest Turkish transnational Islamic movement in Germany, the much smaller Gülen Hareketi (Gülen movement) has been significantly more successful in gaining the acceptance of local and national authorities. While traditional explanations argue that the Gülen movement's "liberal," "educational Islam" has much more appeal to Western officials than the Milli Görüs,'s "anti-integrative," "political Islamism," this paper argues that institutional structure of the two movements has historically been a more important factor than their ideological platforms in whether they can gain the trust of German authorities. The learning centers and interfaith dialogue centers of the Gülen movement in Europe served as open, accessible, and neutral sites for German officials to visit and monitor, thereby enhancing communication and diminishing suspicion. In contrast, the mosque-based network of the Milli Görüs, served as a barrier between movement members and state officials. The structures in which the Milli Görüs, and Gülen movement operated thus produced radically different outcomes in their ability to signal German authorities of the movements' ideologies and intentions.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
133383
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A case study is presented concerning the May 2010 Israeli Defense Forces (IDF) boarding of a flotilla of ships attempting to breach a blockade in the Mediterranean Sea. It particularly focuses upon clashes between the IDF and the human rights activist passengers and crew of the largest ship in the flotilla, known as the "Mavi Marmara." The article discusses blockade law, the concepts of international armed conflict (IAC) and non-international armed conflict (NIAC), and whether Israel and the Islamic organization Hamas engaged in a NIAC.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
188974
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines various views, ideas, opinions, understandings, and interpretations among Indonesian societies, including Islamic scholars and Muslim social organizations toward tobacco products and smoking practices. It also traces the history and contemporary developments of smoking practice in Indonesia. Historically, as the article shows, smoking for Indonesian societies is not simply inhaling tobacco but also a medium of social interaction and ritual practices. Moreover, this study investigates whether religious pronouncements and fatwas (Islamic edicts) on smoking, issued by some noted Islamic institutions in the country, influence smoking practices and behaviors among Indonesian Muslims. Given the vitality of religion and smoking among Indonesians, it becomes interesting to study the relationship between the two.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
058853
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
082167
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This paper is a critique of popular and academic assumptions about the Muslim 'community' and Islamist organizations, especially in the context of displacement and reconstruction after the 2002 riots in Ahmedabad, western India. It explores the internal politics of Jamaat-led organizations and the engagement of survivors with ideas of reform and piety. Contesting contemporary understandings of reformist Jamaats, I argue that the growing influence of the latter organizations had little co-relation with their resettlement plans and policies. The reconstruction patterns were more closely linked to the history of labour migration to the city, and the subsequent movement of violence-affected people from the mill areas to larger Muslim ghettoes. My ethnography shows how the survivors strategically engaged with reform initiatives and negotiated with local Islamist organizations for 'safe housing'. By illustrating certain ambiguities within the everyday practices of Islam, my paper also problematizes notions of 'piety' and 'agency', primarily after people's experiences of communal violence.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|