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| 1 |
ID:
124363
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The comparison of Israel to South Africa under white supremist rule has been utterly rejected by those with intimate understanding of the old Apartheid system. Israel is a multiracial and multi-colored society, and the Arab minority actively participates in the political process. Incitement to racism in Israel is a criminal offence, as is discrimination on the basis of race or religion. The accusation is made that the very fact that Israel is considered a Jewish state proves an "Apartheid-like" situation. Yet the accusers have not a word of criticism against the tens of liberal democratic states that have Christian crosses incorporated in their flags, nor against the Muslim states with the half crescent symbol of Islam. For Arab states to denote themselves as Arab Republics is not objectionable.
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| 2 |
ID:
092184
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2009.
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Sir Mohammad Zafrullah Khan (Pakistan) stated that despite the fact that the problem of Palestine had been studied by numerous commissions, a solution appeared to be no nearer than it had been during the previous thirty years.
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| 3 |
ID:
139137
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Historians have speculated over the existence of an 1841 plan by the French foreign minister François Guizot to internationalize Jerusalem as a Christian city, a plan holding major implications for the eventual emergence of a Jewish state and for European–Ottoman relations. This article aims, based on fresh archival and other sources, to provide a definitive evaluation of Guizot's plan, its scope, and its motivations. It broadens the field to encompass other great power plans mooted in 1841, including plans of a Protestant yet Zionist flavour, and it reassesses the political weight of early nineteenth-century European religious impulses with regard to Palestine.
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| 4 |
ID:
146859
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| Contents |
Meir Rosenne was one of the last representatives of a remarkable generation of Israeli diplomats who were born in Europe, survived the Holocaust and made the defense of the Jewish State their cause and purpose in life. The son of Jacob and Minna Rosenhaupt, Meir was born in 1931 in Jassy or Iasi, former capital of Moldavia and the capital of Rumania (1916-1918). Jassy was also the center of a thriving Jewish community. During World War II, a third of the community was killed in the worst pogrom of the war in Rumania.
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| 5 |
ID:
146860
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As we commemorate a year since Yehuda Avner passed away at the age of 86, we honor a noble Israeli who devoted his entire life to serving the Jewish state and the Jewish people. He was my dearest friend with whom I was in almost daily contact over the past decade.
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| 6 |
ID:
111598
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| 7 |
ID:
162033
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Rabbi Yoel Teitelbaum (1887-1979) – the Satmar Rebbe – is the subject of numerous academic papers.1 This fact, however, is not trivial and begs explanation. During his lifetime in Europe, Rabbi Yoel’s reputation did not extend beyond the region in which he operated. During that time he was never considered a significant Orthodox figure, nor was he regarded as an exceptional Talmudic or halachic authority. Although he was involved in several rescue initiatives during the Holocaust period, Rabbi Yoel was never considered a major player in that field either. After the Holocaust, Rabbi Yoel did indeed establish a lively and thriving Hasidic court in New York, but because of its secluded nature it had very little impact on American Jewry in general or even on its Orthodox wing.
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| 8 |
ID:
059067
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| 9 |
ID:
190049
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A new wave of antisemitism has lately emerged, mostly directed against the Jewish state of Israel. It justifies itself with a new formulation that obfuscates Jew-hatred and its main bearers are Western left-oriented academics. A worrying fact is the large number of Jewish intellectuals, among them Israelis, who support such positions. This reflects the deepening ideological differences in present-day Jewry with regard to the Jewish state and its characteristics, an issue that is insufficiently addressed.
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| 10 |
ID:
107593
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| Publication |
2011.
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The greatest danger to Israel comes not from without -- in the form of Palestinian intransigence -- but from within. The ongoing occupation of the territories is destroying Israel's values and viability. It breeds an aggressive, intolerant ethnic nationalism and causes political gridlock, empowering an ultrareligious underclass that refuses to contribute and lives off the state.
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| 11 |
ID:
115344
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2012.
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The 2008-09 Israeli military campaign in Gaza, commonly known as Operation Cast Lead, is best understood in the context of Israel's "iron wall" strategy. During the 1930s, the strategy emphasized the need for overwhelming military power to break Arab resistance to the establishment of a Jewish state in Palestine; since the creation of Israel in 1948, it has continued to be at the core of Israeli policies in the overall Arab-Israeli conflict. From the outset, the strategy has included attacks on civilians and their crucial infrastructures. Such attacks violate the just war moral principles of discrimination and noncombatant immunity. In addition, Cast Lead violated the just war principles of just cause and last resort, which state that wars must have a just cause and even then must be undertaken only after nonviolent and political alternatives have failed. Israel did not have a just cause in 2008-09, because its primary purpose was to crush resistance to its continuing de facto occupation and repression of Gaza. Further, Israel refused to explore the genuine possibility that Hamas was amenable to a two-state political settlement. Thus, the iron wall strategy and Operation Cast Lead, in particular, have been political as well as moral failures, undermining rather than serving Israel's genuine long-term security needs.
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| 12 |
ID:
157610
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This article participates in efforts by IR theorists to clarify aspects of modern sovereignty – an idea currently in rupture and being rethought – by returning to its founding ‘Westphalian moment’. While recent work has reconnected modern sovereignty to religion, considering Westphalia as a religious settlement and Christian concerns persisting in the groundwork of IR, our work looks beyond Christian concerns and asks how Westphalian sovereignty addressed non-Christians. We trace a yet-untapped discussion of the Jews – presented as a paradigmatic religious ‘other’ – among architects of Westphalian sovereignty from Bodin through Grotius, Hobbes, Harrington, and Spinoza. We demonstrate that foundational theorists of modern sovereignty considered religious diversity a political problem. Some cited essential sameness, minimising difference between Jews and Christians. Others considered the possibility of Jewish sovereignty long before this idea is usually considered to have entered modern consciousness. While the discussion of Jewish sovereignty among architects of modern sovereignty may seem to justify a Jewish state in a world of Westphalian states, it also emphasises Westphalia’s territorialising of religious difference. This aspect of the Westphalian framework is surely inadequate today, when territorialising religious difference is neither normative nor likely possible.
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| 13 |
ID:
081582
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2008.
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The real key to Washington's pro-Israel policy is long-lasting and broad-based support for the Jewish state among the American public at large.
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| 14 |
ID:
094072
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| 15 |
ID:
111105
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| 16 |
ID:
107592
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Nearly two decades of peace negotiations between Israel and the Palestinians have failed miserably. The key reason for this failure is the Palestinians' refusal to recognize Israel as a Jewish state.
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| 17 |
ID:
111727
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| Publication |
2012.
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The "Arab Spring" aggravates the security dilemma between Israel and its neighbors, and the Arab-Israeli conflict and the Palestinian problem cannot remain unaffected by the outcomes of the uprisings.
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| 18 |
ID:
084923
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| 19 |
ID:
161386
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| Summary/Abstract |
Examination of recently declassified documents in the Russian and Israeli archives reveals that Moscow’s support for the establishment of the state of Israel was largely designed to sustain the World War II cooperation with Washington, which also supported the creation of a Jewish state. With the advent of the Cold War, the Soviets maintained their support due to the belief that the US’s immersion in the regional tensions attending Israel’s continued existence would greatly relieve its military pressure on the Soviet Union in Europe.
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| 20 |
ID:
090740
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