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| 1 |
ID:
060997
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| 2 |
ID:
080794
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| 3 |
ID:
061118
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| Publication |
Jan-Feb 2005.
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| 4 |
ID:
059177
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| 5 |
ID:
077666
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the most visible changes to Indonesian public culture since the fall of President Suharto and his New Order in May 1998 has been the florescence of the nation's media. This article is an initial attempt to examine these changes at the local level in the perimeter province of North Sulawesi, about 2,000 kilometres from the political epicentre of Jakarta. Prior to 1998, with only rare exceptions, studies of the Indonesian media - by both Indonesian and foreign scholars - concentrated on the national media. However, since the post-Suharto deregulation of the media and the dismantling of the repressive Department of Information, which had controlled the media centrally, the most dramatic transformation has been driven not from Jakarta but from local media enterprises. At its broadest, this current study of media in North Sulawesi questions whether the collapse of an authoritarian regime and abandonment of media controls axiomatically produce a pluralist democratic media; or whether, equally as likely, they involve the capture of the media by particular political interests, for whom media influence - if not control - is a valuable asset in influencing public opinion and electoral outcomes
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| 6 |
ID:
078921
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the course of the past decade, the study of religious violence has evolved into a thriving industry of sorts. More than a field of academic research, religious violence is now a topic in which powerful US government agencies, major international institutions and all manner of 'think tanks' and foundations have developed an interest. This paper suggests an alternative approach, both in terms of the specific context of Indonesia and more broadly. This approach is rooted in a very different political, institutional and intellectual tradition from the dominant strands of the 'religious violence industry'. In terms of politics, the essential premise is a critical distance not only from the US-led 'Global War on Terrorism', but also from those avowedly secular, ecumenical or religiously tolerant and disinterested institutions that claim to be promoting conflict resolution and multi-faith religious coexistence and understanding in Indonesia and elsewhere around the world. In terms of institutional affiliations, the point of departure for the author's work is a sceptical view of large-scale research projects linked to major funding bodies, government agencies and other centres of state power; and in terms of intellectual foundations, the work here is rooted in the tradition of comparative historical sociology.
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| 7 |
ID:
076931
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article analyses the Indonesian state's efforts to manage returning overseas migrant labourers. It examines state practices in the airport terminal for returning transnational migrant labourers ("Terminal 3") in Jakarta. "Terminal 3" segregates returning overseas migrant contract workers, separating them out from the other travelers who pass through the "regular" terminal to enter into Indonesia. The article explores the spatial politics of the terminal through interviews with government officials and observations made at the airport terminal. Located in the context of long-term research on Indonesian migration, the case study illustrates specific ways in which the Indonesian state, through its selective and irregular application of regulatory procedures at the point of immigration, reproduces social inequalities through the repatriation process. In addition, it demonstrates the place-based nature of efforts to govern the transnational labouring class
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