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| 1 |
ID:
073805
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iran is using its carefully cultivated commercial and strategic relations with China, Russia, and India to counterbalance the threat of Western sanctions against its nuclear program. Is today's globalizing economy already diverse enough for this strategy to work?
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| 2 |
ID:
152587
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| Summary/Abstract |
On July 17, 2016, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, Iran’s supreme leader, turned 77. Rumors that he suffers from cancer have circulated for over a decade, and in 2014, the state-run news agency published photos of him recovering from prostate surgery. Although Khamenei’s prognosis remains closely guarded, the Iranian government is evidently treating his succession with urgency. In December 2015, Ali Akbar Hashemi Rafsanjani, a former president and a kingmaker, broached the usually taboo subject when he publicly admitted that a council within the Assembly of Experts, the body that selects the supreme leader, was already vetting potential successors. And last March, after new members of the assembly were elected to an eight-year term, Khamenei himself called the probability that they would have to select his replacement “not low.”
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| 3 |
ID:
134534
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| Summary/Abstract |
US-Iranian relations have been stalled for over three decades due to missteps in timing, distrust, hostility and ideological differences between Tehran and Washington. Six American presidents have experimented with different political and economic tools in an effort to reverse Iranian support for terrorist groups, its opposition to Israel and its pursuit of a nuclear programme. President Barack Obama’s direct engagement with Tehran to end the nuclear standoff is a first step towards improved relations between two estranged countries that share a number of mutual interests.
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| 4 |
ID:
061072
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| 5 |
ID:
079800
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Having weighed the risks, the hard-liners have decided that compromise and concession would threaten their hold on power more than provocation does
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