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| 1 |
ID:
089116
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Caliphate was abolished 85 years ago; there have been several attempts to resurrected it since. What is the potential for a restoration of the caliphate? A new caliphate was declared in Ramadi in mid-2006 by Islamic insurgents before being quickly crushed by the Iraqi government. Just what exactly is a caliphate, who says there is one or who wants one (for example, both the Americans and Islamists have views on the caliphate) and the ideological justifications for one. Where and how did the caliphate begin, what are the prerequisites to be caliph (according to Muslim sources) and were or are there troubles in the succession? Has there been more than one caliphal dynasty? Who are the heirs, pretenders and illegitimate claimants? Where do such families such as the Moroccan Alaouite royal family, the House of Osman, the exiled-Nizamat of Hyderabad and the Hashemite dynasty of Jordan fit in? Despite there not being a 'legally' recognized Caliphate today, there are existing proto-caliphate structures, such as the Arab League and the Organization of the Islamic Conference. There are also legitimizing legal foundations, such as declarations recorded by the 1926 al-Azhar Caliphate Conference, enabling the possibility of a modern restoration of a caliphate.
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| 2 |
ID:
181296
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite the growing interest in the phenomenon of engagement without recognition within de facto state literature, the concept remains under-analysed. Through an analysis of Kurdistan’s engagement with the Iraqi government, this article aims to answer the following questions: What are the de facto state’s authorities’ policies of engagement with parent states? And how does internal political rivalry affect the policies of engagement with parent state? The study highlights the importance of a de facto state’s internal political rivalry in the question of engagement with a parent state, a point on which the literature has not paid enough attention. The portrayal of Baghdad among the Kurds, which is instrumental in the relationship between Kurdistan and the Iraqi government, is heavily partisan. As the dynamics of the political rivalry between Kurdistan’s two main centres of power change, the image of Baghdad among the Kurds as a source of threat or opportunity is also altered.
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| 3 |
ID:
061624
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