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ID:
155790
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay offers a constitutional perspective on the American encounter with the problem of international order. Its point of departure is the American Founding, a subject often invisible in both the history of international thought and contemporary International Relations theory. Although usually considered as an incident within the domestic politics of the United States, the Founding displays many key ideas that have subsequently played a vital role in both international political thought and IR theory. The purpose of this essay is to explore these ideas and to take account of their passage through time, up to and including the present day. Those ideas shine a light not only on how we organize our scholarly enterprises but also on the contemporary direction of US foreign policy and the larger question of world order.
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| 2 |
ID:
064626
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| 3 |
ID:
191097
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| Publication |
New York, Oxford University Press, 1990.
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| Description |
xvi, 360p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
0195062078
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 060402 | 327.73/TUC 060402 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
065457
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| 5 |
ID:
061680
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ID:
156358
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| Summary/Abstract |
AMONG THE commanding symbols of American civilization, none are more important than empire and liberty. From George Washington’s journey to the Monongahela River in 1754 to George W. Bush’s conquests in Mesopotamia in 2003, observers have puzzled over the relationship between our thirst for dominion and our attachment to freedom. When Patrick Henry argued in 1788 against the “great and splendid empire” he espied in the vision of the Constitution’s architects, he set that in opposition to the liberty that was America’s original resolution:
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| 7 |
ID:
133636
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
WHEN HE RAN for president in 2008, Barack Obama promised a new era of restraint in U.S. foreign policy. And in some respects, he has indeed been more restrained than his predecessor. But those looking for a reconsideration of America's universalist ambitions have been disappointed by Obama's record. Where it has mattered, there has been no retreat from the revolutionary ends to which George W. Bush committed the United States in his second inaugural address in 2005. Thus Obama (after much agonizing) threw in his lot with those seeking to overthrow Libya's Muammar el-Qaddafi by force. Thus Obama called for Bashar al-Assad to leave, encouraged "allied" efforts to overthrow him and made negotiations to end the civil war in Syria dependent on his departure. And thus the Obama administration (with the president himself curiously in the shade) played a key role in supporting the Maidan's overthrow of Ukraine's elected president, Viktor Yanukovych
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| 8 |
ID:
068658
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| 9 |
ID:
062312
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2005.
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| Description |
p7-32
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| Summary/Abstract |
Though critics have made a number of telling points against the Bush administration’s conduct of the Iraq war, the most serious problems facing Iraq and its American occupiers – criminal anarchy and lawlessness, a raging insurgency and a society divided into rival and antagonistic groups – were virtually inevitable consequences that flowed from the act of war itself. Military and civilian planners were culpable in failing to plan for certain tasks, but the most serious problems had no good solution. Even so, there are lessons to be learned. These include the danger that the imperatives of ‘force protection’ may sacrifice the broader political mission of US forces and the need for scepticism over the capacity of outsiders to develop the skill and expertise required to reconstruct decapitated states.
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ID:
073851
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2006.
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Just like Old Rome, America's global leadership could founder in the Persian deserts-if we continue to believe our own hype.
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