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ID:
076149
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| Publication |
2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite five years of concerted effort to eradicate it, terrorism has managed to taunt us continuously. Understanding terrorism and that which makes a person a terrorist is essential, but will not be enough. Dealing with terrorism is a multi-faceted problem reflecting numerous dimensions, peoples and cultures. To be effective, understanding must translate into wise policies, and policies into actions, carried out with judicious sensibility. The emotional desire to simplify terrorism as a characteristic of a certain culture or geographic region ought to be rejected as misguided and counter-productive. This article suggests a crucial distinction between leaders and recruits, and posits that terrorist movements with political aspirations may be converted. Two case studies, Hezbollah and Hamas, are briefly presented to illustrate that possibility.
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| 2 |
ID:
083620
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Fifty-five years ago a coup d'état ended Prime Minister Muhammad Mosaddeq's government in Iran on August 19, 1953. Numerous books and articles have analyzed the event but often have overlooked Iran's domestic dynamics. What is presented is nearly always a conspiracy theory that suggests American and British masters of intrigue subverted Iran entirely through their shady operators. The picture portrays Iranians as little more than inanimate objects - a nation of potted plants. Even now over half a century later, and three decades after the fall of Iran's monarchy, misperceptions persist. A review of the coup and what precipitated it may offer some needed clarity
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| 3 |
ID:
061701
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Spring 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Iranians support a policy of deterrence because their perception of Iran’s security is colored by historical experiences. For Iranians, geopolitical realities together with national psychology define national security. This article attempts to explain the national psychology, and in doing so point to a path of US-Iranian policy convergence. The United States should avoid making the mistake Britain made in 1951, making an oil royalty issue a matter of national pride for Iranians. The current nuclear dispute could turn into an object of Iranian national pride, liberty, and independence. The question of whether a nation without access to a nuclear fuel cycle could be anything other than a dependent consumer has already been posed.
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