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| 1 |
ID:
132897
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reviews Romania's intelligence reform after 1989. Specifically, it looks at intelligence reform before and after Romania's accession to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) in 2004, and the European Union (EU) in 2007. It finds that Romania has made considerable progress in intelligence reform. That is because Romania, which expressed its desire and commitment to join NATO/EU after 1989, has worked hard to comply with these organizations' membership demands (including intelligence reform). After NATO/EU integration (when demands on balancing control and effectiveness virtually vanished), despite continued openness efforts made by agencies, control/oversight diluted. Thus, post-NATO/EU, while effectiveness is being strengthened, democratic control lessens.
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| 2 |
ID:
130610
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As part of its new strategy of "retuming to the Asia-Pacific region", the A Obama administration has adopted some tough economic policies towards China, notably promoting the Trans-Paci?c Partnership (TPP) and attempting to establish new rules of international trade and investment aimed at strengthening economic ties with other Western countries through the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership Agreement(TTlP ), both of which tend to compress the geopolitical space for China's economic rise. The administration is also using a 'green barrier' to suppress the development of China's high-tech industry, and using economic diplomacy and investment restrictions against Chinese state-owned enterprises. This paper seeks to examine and analyze the causes of shifts in the U .S. economic strategy towards China.
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| 3 |
ID:
127776
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Economic integration in the Taiwan Strait has become increasingly stronger recently. Economic integration should have led to stronger political convergence. Why hasn't it occurred? I argue that democracy in Taiwan and the continuation of the single-party rule in China have created two very different social experiences. These different social experiences have formed two different identities. People in Taiwan are increasingly thinking of themselves as Taiwanese rather than Chinese. The growing level of popular nationalism in China has also altered the political identity of mainland Chinese. Such change could force Beijing to accommodate citizens' demand to act more toughly towards Taipei. Further political integration is still possible, but it would require another norm change, perhaps already in the making.
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| 4 |
ID:
114787
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2012.
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The article focuses on the new policy platform in Taiwan of economic liberalization toward the Chinese mainland. The policy has been the source of both expectation and anxiety. While some observers believe that this will lead to cross-Strait prosperity and peace, others worry about Taiwan's de facto sovereignty and a potentially negative economic impact. In particular, it is claimed that the liberalization process will lead to political integration. The author offers a perspective from the European integration process and argues that integration between China and Taiwan will serve to elevate mutual trust and predictability.
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| 5 |
ID:
132557
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Insofar as Europe's security and cohesion have for decades been premised upon a strong American political and strategic engagement, Washington's intention to "rebalance" to Asia casts a shadow over the sustainability of a stable and coherent geopolitical order on the continent. This article argues that as the United States seeks to rebalance strategically towards the Asia-Pacific region a number of "indigenous" geopolitical trends are becoming increasingly important in Europe: an Anglo-French entente for a "maritime" Europe, a German-French "continental" project of economic and political integration, and Russia's resurgence across Europe's East. The growing prominence of competing geopolitical visions for Europe might even call into question the cohesion and direction of the institutional expressions of the U.S.- engineered Western order in Europe, namely the Atlantic Alliance and the European Union. Increasing geopolitical and institutional contestation, we contend, pose a number of challenges for both U.S. interests and European security.
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| 6 |
ID:
130898
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
"European integration has progressively moved forward through crisis." "Europe always emerges stronger after a crisis." "Without previous crises, the European Union would not have reached the advanced stage it is at today." Across EU history we have heard such slogans from European heads of state or government, EU officials, and scholars too. They tend to sing the 'Europe moves forward through crisis' refrain almost in tune whenever the next EU challenge comes along. The chorus has swelled to new volumes with the onset of the European sovereign debt crisis.
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| 7 |
ID:
130899
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
It so happens that we are witnesses to the great geopolitical changes, where one political and economic system is replacing another, where the boundaries of political regions and alliances are shifting, and where the system of international relations is institutionalizing, integrating and transforming. A key characteristic that defines the development vectors of countries in the post- Soviet space is the search by newly independent states for an attractive integration nucleus. On the whole, from all indications, the process of the formation of a more or less stable system of foreign political ties between the post-Soviet states is complete. This accounts for the prevalence of the selective integration vector, namely, the fact that collaboration along the lines of the Customs Union and the EU has taken center stage.
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| 8 |
ID:
132389
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The European Commission has spelled out its policy ambition for EU energy cooperation with the southern neighbourhood with plans for the establishment of an 'Energy Community'. Its communications make clear that an Energy Community should be based on regulatory convergence with the EU acquis communautaire, much in the same vein as the existing institution carrying the same name; the Energy Community with Southeast Europe. It is puzzling that the Commission insists on repackaging this enlargement concept in a region with very different types of relationships vis-Ã -vis the EU, especially when considering the lukewarm position of key stakeholders in the field. According to them, any attempt to introduce a political integration model in this highly sensitive issue area in the politically fragmented MENA region might run the risk of hurting the incremental technical integration process that has slowly emerged over the past few years.
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| 9 |
ID:
061919
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| 10 |
ID:
110201
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is a growing consensus that the United States is undergoing a period of political polarization, particularly among elites. The causes of this polarization remain under-researched. We argue that shifts in the international distribution of power influence America's polarization. To demonstrate the argument, this article analyzes changes in power and polarization quantitatively and qualitatively from 1945 to 2005. A key finding is that greater relative power on the world stage substantially increases polarization and some of its correlates, like income inequality. The argument also measures the extent of international influence on domestic polarization and makes novel predictions on when and why polarization will fall.
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| 11 |
ID:
174768
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The European Union provided a mixed response to the 2008 financial crisis. On the one hand, it refused to pursue fiscal integration through a common budget; on the other, it introduced significant transfers between countries that were designed to produce financial stabilization. The authors analyze this response as the outcome of democratic constraints on EU leaders. Given the EU’s current institutional structure, citizens’ preferences pose a binding constraint on what leaders can do as these preferences limit the scope of risk-pooling among members and the degree of political tolerance for different courses of action. The authors show that citizens’ preferences reflect differences in the geography of income, production regimes, and institutional organization. The heterogeneity of constituencies’ redistribution preferences combined with a diverse economic geography helps to explain why political constraints on national governments prevent them from engaging in further fiscal integration. By contrast, externalities among member states shift the preferences of citizens who may experience negative effects and make international redistribution politically feasible. The authors analyze these two mechanisms and present novel empirical results on the determinants of preferences for fiscal integration and international redistribution in the aftermath of the eurocrisis.
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| 12 |
ID:
044798
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| Publication |
London, Croom Helm Ltd., 1988.
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| Description |
334p.hbk
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| Series |
Nation,State and Integration in the Arab World
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| Contents |
Vol. IV
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| Standard Number |
070994148X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029448 | 956/LUC 029448 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
153464
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE EUROPEAN UNION, one of the main load-bearing structures of the world order, is still in the process of integration; it has not yet reached its final form. From the very beginning, it was expected to become one of the most prominent initiatives of mankind and an attempt to create the most perfect system of relationships and cooperation between peoples. In many respects, the project was stimulated by the ideas and theories of the best minds of Europe from Victor Hugo and Giuseppe Mazzini, their ideas being developed by Richard von Coudenhove-Kalergi, Aristide Briand, the Mann brothers, and the contemporary authors of the European idea.
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| 14 |
ID:
097126
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A decade ago, in the aftermath of the Asian financial crisis, numerous observers expected regional integration to take off in East Asia. What, meanwhile, has actually happened? This paper argues that while overall inter-state cooperation has certainly intensified in East Asia during this period, there has been no significant expansion of multilateral, as opposed to bi- or minilateral cooperation and less still any political integration. It explores the reasons for the emergence of this pattern of cooperation in the region, in particular the extent that it has been shaped by ASEAN, which, unwilling and unable as it is to sponsor any far-reaching projects for much closer, region-wide multilateral cooperation, provides no more than a 'soft core' of East Asian regionalism. The failure of political integration to take off is attributed to the antagonistic character of Sino-Japanese relations, the relative weakness of the mobilization of transnational business interests in favour of closer regional cooperation and continuing wide disparities in terms of levels of economic development and political systems. The apparent success that ASEAN has had in maintaining peaceful relations between its members suggests that 'hard' integration is not indispensable for securing regional stability and peace. However, if realist scholars are correct that a changing balance of power is destabilizing the region, the sooner the norms and practices of cooperation that have stood ASEAN in good stead in this regard become entrenched among the region's big powers - whose participation in forums such as the ASEAN Plus Three and East Asian Summit is very recent - the better.
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| 15 |
ID:
065882
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| 16 |
ID:
130900
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Azerbaijan's possible membership in the custom union remains on the agenda; it was discussed in August 2013 when Vladimir Putin visited our country. People understand this as a choice between Europe and Russia. Europe means economic performances, those who support the custom union have nothing to say to counter criticism of economic indices.
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