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| 1 |
ID:
173036
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| Summary/Abstract |
Richard Nixon’s chief interlocutors included a contemporary international business executive, Maurice R. Greenberg, as immersed in international commerce as Nixon was in geopolitical strategy. His unique insights into global affairs have been invaluable to American presidents.
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| 2 |
ID:
133777
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Well begun is half done," Aristotle once said, meaning that beginning a project well makes it easier to do the rest. Yet, this may not be true of China-U.S. relations during Obama's presidency. Although the Obama administration secured a smooth transition from the George W. Bush years and attached high priority to relations with China during its first year in office, bilateral relations turned downward over the rest of Obama's first term, leaving a legacy of growing mutual suspicion and rising competition between the two countries, especially in the Asia-Pacific region. In spite of the November 2009 bilateral agreement to build a "positive, cooperative, and comprehensive relationship,"1 the two sides missed opportunities for more cooperation while mishandling and even misguiding bilateral ties on some points.
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| 3 |
ID:
155565
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| 4 |
ID:
133111
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper analyses the role of news media in (re)producing geopolitical narratives of food insecurity in relation to the 2007-2008 global food price spike. News content and textual analysis suggests that the media's representation of the food price spike is partly framed by Western geopolitical anxieties of the 'threatening rise of Asia', and features 'fast growing' Asian appetites among the main culprits of the crisis. Seeking to explain the widespread circulation of such representation, this paper analyses media-source relationship within the context of market-driven journalism, and suggests that the changing role of news media has in turn contributed to a rapid and uncritical circulation of elite-based interpretation of, and neoliberal geopolitical approach to, food security. The paper points at the importance of critical enquiries into geopolitical representations of food insecurity and of opening media space for a 'counter-geopolitics of food security'.
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| 5 |
ID:
133110
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The impacts of recent food, financial, and energy crises have reinvigorated a geopolitical enframing of global food security that makes foreign development assistance a primary component of national security strategies. This centres elite fears of hunger and underdevelopment and strongly shapes policies and strategies adopted in response. Geopolitical fears of hungry and food insecure populations are compounded by the politics of austerity and cuts to foreign aid budgets and social spending. This paper examines the geopolitics of food security, fear, and austerity as expressed in the rhetoric and strategies of major aid donor governments, especially the US and UK, and proposes an alternative geopolitics that builds from the affective dimensions of hunger, food insecurity, and vulnerability as experienced by the hungry and poor. The example of farmer suicides and agrarian political mobilisation in India demonstrates how this affective alternative geopolitics may be constructed and examined.
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| 6 |
ID:
075341
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article will engage in a brief survey of the geopolitical impediments to development in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea (DPRK). One cannot comprehend the present without understanding the thread which runs from the past to the present. Even a perfunctory knowledge of regional geography will highlight that the DPRK lies at the intersection of China-Russia-Japan and US interests. The central issues in the DPRK's developmental strategy are (1) state/regime survival and (2) resource allocation. In its earliest days the administration of Kim Il Sung was bedevilled by two alternative factions within the Workers Party: the Irkutsk faction beholden to the patronage of the USSR, which opted for and lost a leadership struggle in 1955, and the Yan'an faction of Chinese-oriented veterans. Once Kim Il Sung's power was consolidated, the primary adversary was and remains the United States and its ally Japan. Cumulatively both of these historical experiences have resulted in a total distortion of resource allocation; in the first instance because of the need to establish an independent identity, mooting the juche concept as its focus; and in the second, because of military expenditure of Herculean proportions. Reportedly 25 to 30 per cent of the population is either in the Korean People's Army or the Red Militia.
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| 7 |
ID:
133109
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Growing anxieties over food security have recently brought sharp geopolitical overtones to debates about the agro-food sector. Contending that this 'geopolitical moment' highlights the mutually constitutive nature of geopolitics and political economies of food, we examine how dominant geopolitical framings of food security extend and deepen neoliberal models of agro-food provisioning, and highlight the need for further attention to these dynamics from political geographers. We develop a preliminary research agenda for further work in the field, focusing on the recent spate of global farmland acquisitions, questions of agro-food governance, the securitisation of hunger and obesity, and the environmental impacts of dominant agro-food systems. Throughout, we highlight the value of a counter-geopolitics of food security for re-situating agro-food politics outside hegemonic policies and institutions, and of the alter-geopolitics of food pursued by communities embodying concrete alternative food production and consumption systems.
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| 8 |
ID:
133503
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The month of May saw a landslide victory of not only the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the Lok Sabha polls but also the triumph of the spirit called 'NaMo' (as Prime Minister Narendra Modi is known by the masses).
The change, not just in administration but ideology, is critical at a juncture when India has become an important power to reckon with. It's now increasingly being believed that her foreign relations would determine the course of diplomacy in the world.
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| 9 |
ID:
133108
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This special issue of Geopolitics focuses on recent shifts in the geopolitics of agro-food systems linked to debates around a new 'Global Food Crisis' and its implications for (trans)national political agendas. Spurred since 2006 by rising food prices, large-scale farmland acquisitions, and growing public protests, these concerns have motivated new streams of development assistance and reforms to global governance processes, as well as strengthened activism by agrarian social movements. While governments and civil society organisations have struggled with how best to address the realities of worsening food insecurity, the discourse of crisis has simultaneously helped to actively reposition food security as an object of urgent geopolitical calculation and strategy. The stubborn grip of continuing poverty and hunger has prompted many observers to envision a future in which chronic food insecurity and associated political and economic disorder are the new normal.
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| 10 |
ID:
071314
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the start of the twentieth century, Halford Mackinder's geopolitical writings provided a powerful justification for British imperialism. He presented imperialism as a force of nature by emphasising historical rupture, essential conflict and geopolitical strategy. A century later, these same themes re-appear in contemporary accounts of our new world order and serve now to naturalise the imperial mission of the United States. A critical examination of the theses of Mackinder can aid in challenging the presumptions of the new imperialists.
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| 11 |
ID:
061981
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| 12 |
ID:
118752
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Azov-North Black Sea Subregion is one of the planet's strategically important areas; it is where the interests of different countries meet and intertwine. It is also tied by multiple threads not only to the Azov-Black Sea Region, but also to different regions of Russia and Ukraine.
The People's Republic of China (PRC) is pursuing an active policy in the above-mentioned regions. Furthermore, it is primarily interested in the Crimea, which virtually adjoins the Caucasus, the Rostov region, and Donbass (particularly the Lugansk and Donetsk regions); by establishing contacts with them, the PRC is strengthening its position in the Northeast Black Sea and Azov regions. This kind of policy is in keeping with China's overall geopolitical strategy in the Black Sea basin; below we will look at some of its vectors.
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| 13 |
ID:
129621
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One of the prevalent stereotypes about North Korea is that it is the world's most isolated country. This view derives from North Korea's ruling ideology - juche - which calls for territorial isolation from external influences. For this reason, any territorial strategy like the introduction of special economic zones is generally regarded as an inevitable economic choice forced upon it. However, I argue that it is not that North Korea has no choice but to open its territory due to economic suffering but that North Korea's own territorial imperative, 'security first, economy next,' determines how it produces territory. To do so it deploys various territorial strategies such as de-bordering, re-bordering, and zoning. In this sense, North Korea's production of territory manifests Jean Gottmann's idea of territory first as shelter for security and next as a springboard for opportunity.
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| 14 |
ID:
132559
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the Obama Doctrine's main tenets, assesses its operation- focusing on the geopolitically crucial regions of Europe, East Asia, and the Middle East-and then offers concluding observations about the trajectory and consequences of this doctrine.
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| 15 |
ID:
133606
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the last decade, the dynamics of inter-state relations in the Asia Pacific have changed rapidly, largely due to the rise of China. Competition rather than cooperation has become the order of the day. In the East and South China Seas, freedom of navigation, competitive claims over maritime boundaries and air space security are experiencing an evolution of new brinkmanship between the US, an established super power, and the People's Republic of China (PRC), an emerging super power, unfolding new challenges for the other potential regional players including India.
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| 16 |
ID:
026017
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| Publication |
Dehra Dun, Natraj Publishers, 1981.
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| Description |
xi, 302p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019730 | 954.9205/SIN 019730 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 17 |
ID:
037222
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| Publication |
Dehra Dun, Natraj Publishers, 1981.
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| Description |
xiv, 302p.hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 019414 | 954.9205/SIN 019414 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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