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| 1 |
ID:
107604
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
President Viktor Yanukovych has led Ukraine, no stranger to crisis, into another round of turmoil. He has rolled back democracy while failing to take on corruption or take the country closer to Europe. Now, much of the public has turned against him -- and the country could be headed for more unrest.
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| 2 |
ID:
099079
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| 3 |
ID:
141662
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| Summary/Abstract |
When Ukraine’s Parliament, the Rada, approved four bills on April 9, 2015, stating that Communism and Nazism were equally evil, at least as far as Ukraine is concerned, some Western intellectuals reacted with pique to the de-Communization agenda the bills promoted. In particular, 70 Western and Ukrainian scholars wrote an open letter to Ukrainian President Petro Poroshenko and Rada Chairman Volodymyr Hroysman in which they claimed the “content and spirit” of the laws “contradicts one of the most fundamental political rights: the right to freedom of speech.” According to the scholars, “Any legal or ‘administrative’ distortion of history is an assault on the most basic purpose of scholarly inquiry: pursuit of truth. Any official attack on historical memory is unjust. Difficult and contentious issues must remain matters of debate.”
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| 4 |
ID:
115069
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The massive demonstrations that rocked Russia in the aftermath of the Duma elections of December 4, 2011, surprised everyone, including most Russians. But they shouldn't have. The conditions for such an upheaval have been ripening as a result of the growing power and decrepitude of Putinism. It is likely that popular mobilization will continue, and that the regime's days may be numbered.
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| 5 |
ID:
132153
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The choice of outcome in the Russia-Ukraine standoff is largely Vladimir Putin's. Ukraine and the West are not powerless, but they can at most anticipate, prepare for, and deter what might be Putin's next move. This does not mean that they are victims of superior statecraft, however. His admirers may regard Putin as a master strategist, whose petulance and unpredictability give him the upper hand in relations with the West and Ukraine. In fact, the opposite is true. Putin has maneuvered himself, and Russia, into a position of Zugzwang-a chess term denoting a condition in which any possible move will worsen the player's position.*
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| 6 |
ID:
141415
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most general readers following events in Ukraine may not be aware that much of the debate and many of the policy prescriptions among “experts” have been dominated by a school of thought in international relations scholarship known as “realism.” In a nutshell, realists have argued that US policy toward the Russo-Ukrainian conflict should be driven by pragmatic American interests and by the realities of Russia’s regional great-power status—two propositions few would disagree with. Realist arguments become more controversial, however, when they go on to insist that Russia’s behavior toward Ukraine is actually a reasonable response to Western attempts to wrest Ukraine from Russia’s sphere of influence and that the culprit behind the ongoing Russo-Ukrainian war is, thus, the West in general and the United States and NATO in particular.
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| 7 |
ID:
029641
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| Publication |
Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1987.
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| Description |
xii, 188p.
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| Series |
Studies in Soviet history and society
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| Standard Number |
0801419476
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 028494 | 305.800947/MOT 028494 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
031049
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| Publication |
Ithaca, Cornell University Press, 1987.
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| Description |
xii, 188p.
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| Standard Number |
0801419476
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029076 | 320.947/MOT 029076 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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