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| 1 |
ID:
138420
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although there is now a wealth of scholarship concerning the onset, duration, and termination of civil wars, there is not nearly as much empirical research by political scientists on the potential for postconflict democratization in countries that have been the site of civil wars. This relative scholarly neglect of post–civil war democratization stands in contrast to the efforts and resources that other actors—foreign ministries, international and nongovernmental organizations, and members of civil society—have invested in attempting to help construct democracy in postconflict states such as Indonesia, Liberia, and Uganda.
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| 2 |
ID:
095027
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| Publication |
2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous studies that have explored the effects of economic liberalization on civil war have employed aggregate measures of openness and have failed to account for potential endogeneity bias. In this research note, we suggest two improvements to the study of the relationship between liberalization and civil war. First, emphasizing that it is processes that systematically create new economic winners and losers rather than particular levels of economic openness that have the potential to generate conflict, we consider the effects of one oft-used means of liberalizing economies: the adoption by countries of International Monetary Fund (IMF) structural adjustment programs. Second, we use a bivariate probit model to address issues of endogeneity bias. Analyzing all data available for the period between 1970 and 1999, we identify an association between the adoption of IMF programs and the onset of civil war. This finding suggests that IMF programs to promote economic openness unintentionally may be creating an environment conducive to domestic conflict.
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| 3 |
ID:
082395
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study identifies contrasts that exist between majority and minority respondents to a national survey conducted during 1993 in the People's Republic of China. It finds that members of China's minority communities prove less forthcoming when participating in survey interviews in comparison to individuals belonging to the Han majority.
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| 4 |
ID:
087580
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Previous research concerning the relationship between conflict and public health finds that countries emerging from war face greater challenges in ensuring the well-being of their populations in comparison with states that have enjoyed political stability. This study seeks to extend this insight by considering how different civil war conflict strategies influence post-conflict public health. Drawing a distinction between deaths attributable to battle and those fatalities resulting from genocide/politicide, we find that the magnitude of genocide/politicide proves the more effective and consistent predictor of future rates of disability and death in the aftermath of civil war. The implications of this research are twofold. First, it lends support to an emerging literature suggesting that important distinctions exist between the forms of violence occurring during civil war. Second, of particular interest to policymakers, it identifies post-civil war states that have experienced the highest rates of genocide/politicide as the countries most in need of assistance in the aftermath of conflict.
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| 5 |
ID:
072632
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This essay offers a critical evaluation of two contending theoretical approaches to achieving disarmament and an enduring peace following the negotiated resolution of civil war. The neorealist approach is associated with the work of Barbara Walter and suggests that third party enforcement of the terms of the peace is critical to fostering the confidence necessary for rival groups to lay down their arms and renew the process of intrastate cooperation. In contrast, we identify an alternative neoliberal approach, one that does not depend entirely on the unreliable goodwill of the international community. We suggest that former enemies have the opportunity autonomously to build the trust necessary to achieve disarmament through an agreement to create a network of power sharing and power dividing institutions.
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| 6 |
ID:
086291
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study considers the official media's portrayal of minority groups in the People's Republic of China. Based on a content analysis of minority-centered articles appearing in the People's Daily newspaper between the years 1950 and 2001, it is found that minorities are most frequently depicted as representatives of primitive cultures. How the government presents this image of primitive minorities, however, has been subject to significant refinement over the years. The government has stepped away from its earlier practice of characterizing 'primitive' minority cultures as pathologies detrimental to the political and economic development of the state in favor of a more recent emphasis on the virtues associated with minority lives. The authors suggest that this transformation in government rhetoric is attributable to changes in both Chinese politics and society.
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| 7 |
ID:
168553
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| Summary/Abstract |
What effect do power-sharing institutions agreed to as part of civil war settlements have on the development of the rule of law in post–civil war states? We contend that power-sharing measures facilitate the emergence of the rule of law in two ways. First, they establish a form of institutional constraint that promotes judicial autonomy and independence. Second, they foster a sense of security among judges and other political actors that bolsters commitment to the law. We demonstrate the plausibility of a positive relationship between power sharing and the rule of law through an analysis of post–civil war states between the years 1948 and 2006. Our findings suggest that civil war settlements can help to establish the rule of law when they include mechanisms aimed at allaying the insecurities of political actors in the postconflict environment.
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| 8 |
ID:
062394
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