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| 1 |
ID:
116568
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The South China Sea dispute which has spilled over from the twentieth to the twenty-first century, is yet to find an amicable solution. The root cause of this tension is the dispute among the various claimants as regards the procurement of energy resources and securing territorial legitimacy. The entry of the US into the picture has further complicated the problem. In order to evolve a congenial regional environment, the disputing countries must evolve a collaborative outlook, not confrontationist, and adopt a regional perspective rather than proceed from their national interest only and take recourse to multilateral mechanisms as a means to reduce tension in the region. If the prognosis that the '21st century is the century of Asia' is to be made a reality, then the economic prosperity and development of the Asian region will be essential, for which, all the disputing countries should change their mindset from local to global level and keep the South China Sea region as less tension-prone as possible.
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| 2 |
ID:
151890
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| 3 |
ID:
161580
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The paper provides an overview of changes in the US policy stance toward China that have resulted in the currently unstable economic and trade relationship between the two countries. It reviews the trade and economic relationship between China and the US during the first year of the Trump Administration, summarizes the systematic changes in trade and external economic policies adopted by the Trump Administration in general, and particularly toward China, and observes the implementation of a hawkish trade policy that ignited dispute between the US and China. The main factors shaping the current situation are examined, including structural difficulties in the US economy, the characteristics of the Chinese institutional setting and policies that have become increasingly unacceptable to the US, the specific personal beliefs and positions of President Trump and his main aides in the economic and trade team, and short‐term factors in the US internal political arena.
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| 4 |
ID:
138258
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In 2010, the province of Central Kalimantan in Indonesia was established as a Climate Change pilot province to reduce emissions from deforestation and through peat land forest rehabilitation. Today, international agencies, carbon traders, local and national governments, non-governmental organisations, and local populations have participated in debates and disputes over the establishment of carbon forests and forest protection areas in Central Kalimantan. One such scheme, promoted by the government of Australia (Kalimantan Forest and Climate Partnership), intended to establish a REDD+ pilot project within an area that covers about 120 000 hectares in Kuala Kapuas in Central Kalimantan, the field location of this research. This specific dispute offers a case study based on ethnographic research that helps to illustrate how widespread climate change debates and disputes become embedded at local and national levels in Indonesia. The dispute over REDD+ will be discussed within a framework of dispute theories which focus on moments of crisis, wherein participants must present arguments and justify their actions and theories of justice. The article shows that competing and conflicting conceptions of justice that emerge in the dispute may bring to a halt a climate change pilot project in the locality.
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| 5 |
ID:
127787
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
To what extent, and under what conditions, does access to arms fuel violent crime? To answer this question, we exploit a unique natural experiment: the 2004 expiration of the U.S. Federal Assault Weapons Ban exerted a spillover on gun supply in Mexican municipios near Texas, Arizona, and New Mexico, but not near California, which retained a pre-existing state-level ban. We find first that Mexican municipios located closer to the non-California border states experienced differential increases in homicides, gun-related homicides, and crime gun seizures after 2004. Second, the magnitude of this effect is contingent on political factors related to Mexico's democratic transition. Killings increased disproportionately in municipios where local elections had become more competitive prior to 2004, with the largest differentials emerging in high narco-trafficking areas. Our findings suggest that competition undermined informal agreements between drug cartels and entrenched local governments, highlighting the role of political conditions in mediating the gun-crime relationship.
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| 6 |
ID:
145679
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| Summary/Abstract |
Taking my cue from feminist curiosity and literature on the everyday in surveillance studies, I am proposing ‘democratic curiosity’ as a tool for revisiting the question of democracy in times of extitutional surveillance. Democratic curiosity seeks to bring into analytical play the social and political power of little nothings – the power of subjects, things, practices, and relations that are rendered trivial – and the uncoordinated disputes they enact. Revisiting democracy from this angle is particularly pertinent in extitutional situations in which the organisation and practices of surveillance are spilling beyond their panoptic configurations. Extitutional surveillance is strongly embedded in diffusing arrangements of power and ever more extensively enveloped in everyday life and banal devices. To a considerable degree these modes of surveillance escape democratic institutional repertoires that seek to bring broader societal concerns to bear upon surveillance. Extitutional enactments of democracy then become an important question for both security and surveillance studies.
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| 7 |
ID:
156862
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| 8 |
ID:
144550
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| Summary/Abstract |
Secular governance in India was meant to have incorporated religion within public life, but the implementation of ‘Indian secularism’ has in important ways been premised on separating religious and secular lifeworlds. Public Hindu temples, whose assets and operations are managed by a melange of statutory bodies, courts, and state governments, exemplify this puzzling situation. The 2011 discovery of treasures within the Padmanabhaswamy temple in Trivandrum, Kerala, prompted extended public debate about the ownership of temple assets as well as litigation that eventually reached the Supreme Court of India. Indian citizens, erstwhile princely rulers, and the deity of the temple were variously presented as the true owners of the wealth. Ultimately, both public discourse and judicial opinion largely reaffirmed the notion that religious institutions are to be treated as private, contractually defined properties, and that temple wealth, as specifically religious property, exists outside of market circulations.
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| 9 |
ID:
077419
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article demonstrates that the probability of an international crisis involving the United States declines as a presidential administration gains time in office. This finding invalidates three widely held theories about the relationship between the American democratic cycle and foreign policy that (1) there might be a honeymoon period immediately following election in which new presidents are unlikely to become involved in foreign crises, (2) presidents might systematically use the ``rally round the flag'' effect to bolster their electoral prospects, or that more generally, (3) foreign policy might be primarily tied to the democratic constraints of the electoral cycle. This finding also stands in partial contrast to recent work suggesting that, globally, leadership experience does not influence the likelihood of a militarized interstate dispute, while leader age does. The differing conclusions are the result of both the unique American case and the differing formulations of conflict
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| 10 |
ID:
134210
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper highlights several pivotal negotiating procedural steps that ultimately helped to promote the emergence of the final shape of the UNCLOS dispute settlement system. These steps include, for want of better phrasing, the following: (1) the package deal decision; (2) the consensus approach; (3) building consensus by privileging the best second choice; (4) building consensus by privileging the existing negotiating text through the rule of silence; and (5) failing consensus in the Negotiating Group, the Chairman presenting his own proposals as suggestions to the plenary. Needless to say, these steps are worthy of consideration by future treaty-makers and leaders in treaty-making when they are faced with complicated negotiating tasks, even if not as difficult as those during the monumental UNCLOS III.
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| 11 |
ID:
126645
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper considers the recruitment of volunteer levies into British forces in northern Burma during the Second World War. Using data compiled by a local veterans' association, the paper raises questions about the supposed historical continuities that are believed to exist across military forces of the pre- and post-war periods. The data indicate that prevailing assumptions about the motivations and aspirations of local recruits should be challenged more than they have been to date. The author proposes new approaches to using quantitative data to reveal broader social trends in issues of military recruitment that could be extended into other times and places. Such methods could be particularly helpful in facilitating deeper and more nuanced demographic and social insights into Burma's history of internal militarized conflict and the ways in which recruitment practices relate to the communities from which recruits are drawn.
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| 12 |
ID:
131258
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
While China's rising power is certainly an important variable in Sino-Japanese relations, it cannot explain either why the Diaoyu/Senkaku Islands dispute broke out anew in the fall of 2012 or why the Chinese response was so strong. China read Japan's move to nationalize the islands as an in-your-face move designed to show disrespect for China and make Japan's sovereignty over the islands a fait accompli. In this article I borrow from Robert Putnam's notion of twolevel games to argue that there are two levels of face politics going on in this case: one between domestic actors in Japan and in China, the other between the two countries. A solution to the territorial dispute can only be found when both sides' "face needs" are recognized and met at both levels of analysis.
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| 13 |
ID:
114675
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Two significant changes in the research on international conflict have occurred in the last couple of decades. First, the realist perspective has been challenged by a large body of research that investigates the impacts of domestic institutions and other liberal factors on international conflict. Second, the emphasis on international conflict has moved from a focus on war to lower levels of conflict such as threats, displays, or uses of force by one nation-state against another. This article will review the effect these recent developments have had on the study of democratic peace theory, trade and conflict, and cultural theories of war.
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| 14 |
ID:
126857
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After making sure that all those in your car have either Jerusalem IDs or foreign passports, you may have to ask your cousin who came to visit you from Abu-Dis to take a walk before you start the engine. While cursing the Israeli authorities who put you in such an extremely embarrassing situation, you try apologetically to explain to him which roads he should sneak through to avoid the lurking Israeli flying checkpoints.
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| 15 |
ID:
126901
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Separating the Old City from the rest of Jerusalem could severely disrupt the city's urban fabric the idea of separting the Old city from the rest of Jerusalem and administering it under a special authority has once agian been revived by some individuals and groups as s solution ot deeply entrenched political disputes
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| 16 |
ID:
132753
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Traditionally, disputes over injury compensation that were brought to court involved one or a few plaintiffs and defendants and were processed individually. The risk and expense of such litigation meant that most victims of legally cognizable injuries never came through the courthouse doors. The modern global economy, however, has vastly increased the potential for mass harms and losses, and modern mass media have created felicitous circumstances for mass claiming. Aggregated mass litigation blasts open the courthouse doors for individuals who might otherwise find them closed. Aggregation benefits some but disadvantages others. Class action rules attempt to mitigate these conflicts, but such procedures do not apply to aggregate non-class litigation. It is time for courts to adopt rules and practices that recognize the realities of such litigation.
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| 17 |
ID:
145613
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| 18 |
ID:
141347
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite warnings from moderate Israeli and Palestinian religious and secular leaders, political leaders continue to perpetuate the conflict over the holy site.
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| 19 |
ID:
069245
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| 20 |
ID:
137186
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| Summary/Abstract |
Using the Scarborough Shoal standoff between China and the Philippines as a case study, in this article I examine two approaches to addressing territorial disputes—power politics and liberalismlegalism. China, a major power, uses realpolitik to press its expansive claim in the South China Sea. The Philippines, a small power, adopts the liberal-legal approach that seeks to balance against China. During the standoff, China drove the Philippines out of the shoal, though stopping short of an armed clash, and effected a de facto occupation of the contested area. As a countermeasure, the Philippines filed a statement of claim with the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea. The confrontation was a test of Thucydides's age-old aphorism that “the strong do what they have the power to do, and the weak accept what they have to accept.”
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