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| 1 |
ID:
178418
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| Summary/Abstract |
One main criticism levelled against the investor-state dispute settlement system (ISDS) is the existence of limited opportunities for amicus intervention. Against this backdrop, this article firstly studies what reforms regarding amicus intervention in ISDS proceedings have been put forward by China and ASEAN countries and the relevant dilemmas. Subsequently, to ensure that maximum benefits can be realised from amicus participation in ISDS proceedings in China-ASEAN Free Trade Area (CAFTA), this article proposes procedures for when and how an amicus may participate in arbitral proceedings under the upcoming investment agreements, particularly the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). Additionally, given the fact that the level of amicus participation in ISDS proceedings is still limited, the article suggests that China and ASEAN need to establish safeguards to provide amici with access to key arbitral documents and oral hearings. However, achieving the above objectives should not come at the expense of undermining the confidential and protected information of both disputing parties.
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| 2 |
ID:
079128
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| 3 |
ID:
124245
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 2011, Hong Kong SAR government announced an unprecedented policy of cash handouts of 6,000 HKD to all permanent residents at the age of 18 or above as a means of defusing public discontent with economic policy and poor governance. Macau SAR has also been distributing similar cash handouts since 2008 to temper public dissatisfaction and widespread demonstrations. Initially, both SAR governments were very reluctant to initiate universal cash handouts. Unlike standard welfare programmes that are budgeted for annually, the cash payment scheme in Hong Kong SAR was a one-off handout. In Macau SAR, however, the payment scheme went from being a short-term policy to a long-term policy, while other welfare programmes were also allocated more public money. This paper argues that although such cash handout policies are avoidable, they are still being adopted by politicians who place self-interest above the public interest.
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| 4 |
ID:
138994
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| Summary/Abstract |
1968 IS BACK. A growing chorus of voices on the right is arguing that the riots in Baltimore and Ferguson are ushering in a new round of the culture wars. On the website Breitbart, for example, Robert W. Patterson, a former George W. Bush administration official, wrote, “The Grand Old Party must decide: Go libertarian, and sympathize with the protesters and rioters? Or does it want to be conservative, and side with the police, the rule of law, and the forces of order? The lessons of the 1960s suggest the latter is the path to victory.” William Kristol, editor of the neoconservative Weekly Standard, observed during the recent riots in Ferguson, “It does feel like a Nixon ’68 moment. Who will speak for the Silent Majority?
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| 5 |
ID:
079129
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| 6 |
ID:
094045
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The new human security paradigm has reconceptualised security beyond traditional physical threats to encompass 'lifestyle' concerns, such as health and environmental security. This article uses national survey data collected in Australia in 2007 to examine how public opinion views this new paradigm and to evaluate its political consequences. The results show that the public makes a clear distinction between all four types of human security-health, the environment, national security and the economy. Longitudinal analysis shows that health and the environment have gained greater prominence with the public since 1990. Each dimension of human security has only limited roots in the social structure. However, each has important consequences for the ideological orientation of the public, and for party support. The authors conclude that as 'lifestyle' concerns become more prominent for the public, parties of the right will have to adapt to the new paradigm in order to ensure that they are not electorally disadvantaged.
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| 7 |
ID:
140461
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| Summary/Abstract |
Highlighting legal–governmental techniques by which the public is conceptualised as the market and market activity as public agency, this article poses India as a key site for a globalised analysis of neo-liberal governance. It opens a genealogy for India's ‘emerging market’ governance that extends back to colonial modernisation, highlighting ties between a coercive state, its benevolent performance and the making of a market society. Such a long view challenges the free market vs. strong state opposition so central to contemporary neo-liberal thought. It also calls attention to the nexus between powers of emergency and emerging markets. Elaborating, the essay engages Foucault's analysis of neo-liberal political economy to read recent Indian jurisprudence on financial markets, the rule of law, and public interest.
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| 8 |
ID:
165856
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Donald Trump’s success in the 2016 presidential primary election prompted scrutiny for the role of news media in elections. Was Trump successful because news media publicized his campaign and crowded out coverage of other candidates? We examine the dynamic relationships between media coverage, public interest, and support for candidates in the time preceding the 2016 Republican presidential primary to determine (1) whether media coverage drives support for candidates at the polls and (2) whether this relationship was different for Trump than for other candidates. We find for all candidates that the quantity of media coverage had significant and long-lasting effects on public interest in that candidate. Most candidates do not perform better in the polls following increases in media coverage. Trump is an exception to this finding, receiving a modest polling bump following an increase in media coverage. These findings suggest that viability cues from news media contributed to Trump’s success and can be influential in setting the stage in primary elections.
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| 9 |
ID:
127779
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Congress elections are an important part of political-legal studies in China. The literature has covered the direct election process, voters' attitudes and behaviors, and Party-congress-government relations in Chinese elections. Based on on-site observations, interviews and first-hand documents, this article explores the process of indirect elections at the municipal level. This article examines the interaction among institutions taking part in the municipal congress elections. It also addresses how the social structure changes affect congress elections and deputy compositions. It reveals that an implicit function of the congress election is to co-opt new social groups and interests into the establishment. Such co-option is an adaptive strategy of the Party state in the reform era.
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| 10 |
ID:
190674
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| Summary/Abstract |
This case study of a community newspaper, Namaskar, and its impact in ‘underdeveloped’ areas of coastal Odisha in India, discusses the potential of alternative media for social change. It scrutinises and analyses the participatory advocacy activities of Namaskar. Studying participatory journalism favours a more dialogical and reflexive approach, which also draws on ideas of ‘critical’ and ‘radical’ media, while also calling attention to the significance of content in bringing about social change. Building on observations and testimonies from the field, collected through multiple qualitative methods for data collection, the study infers that Namaskar ensures significant participation in its advocacy practices, leading to observable changes in and around its catchment area. However, basic gatekeeping and editing work to make news copy print-ready also restrain the extent of ‘absolute participation’.
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| 11 |
ID:
100785
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Upon my first reading of the Etzioni autobiography, I recalled my favorite book review, written by a nine-year-old, who also should have won a prize for the youngest author and the shortest review ever: "This book told me more about penguins than I wanted to know.
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| 12 |
ID:
030961
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| Publication |
New York, Basic Books, 1970.
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| Description |
xiv, 248p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007172 | 320/HEL 007172 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
082506
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that a distinctive form of public interest litigation has been used effectively in the Indian Supreme Court to protect the rights of exploited workers. By looking at the extreme cases of child labour and bonded labour, this study finds that the Indian Supreme Court has been labour-friendly, and has taken seriously the constitutional promise of socio-economic development. In rulings that enlist the aid of local governments and non-governmental organizations, the higher judiciary has helped to make positive changes for the most disadvantaged workers in Indian society. This paper results from a year of fieldwork in New Delhi, and relies on case rulings, archival work, and ethnographic field research
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| 14 |
ID:
142589
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| Summary/Abstract |
National space programs require the continuous interest and support of the public and government. Surveys and polls are the most commonly used method to monitor the public opinion regarding space activities. Such methods however can only measure the public view of a sample population of people at a specific moment in time. This paper examines the use of internet search trends to monitor and assess the public's changing interest in space activities. By analyzing the varying trends in online demand for information related to space activities, the impact of the government space programs as well as the factors that influence the public's interest are examined. Internet trend data has the potential to become a new metric to assess the relative performance of space policy initiatives, especially in terms of acquiring and managing the interest of the public. The continued interest and support of the public is vital for long term space programs, such as the lunar exploration program, to withstand the changing political environment of multiple administrations.
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| 15 |
ID:
092458
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Intellectual property law aims to protect the public interest in two often-contradictory ways: by granting exclusive rights to encourage creativity and by limiting those rights in certain situations for socially beneficial purposes. The Three-Step Test in international intellectual property treaties aims to ensure that limitations and exceptions to intellectual property rights do not inappropriately encroach upon the interests of rights holders. This article examines the interpretation of the Three-Step Test as included in the Agreement on Trade-Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights for copyright and patents by two World Trade Organization dispute-resolution panels and by other commentators. It looks at how these interpretations have dealt with the public policy motivations underlying limitations and exceptions to exclusive rights, and considers the ways in which the public policy intentions that underlie decisions by national legislators to adopt the limitations and exceptions to intellectual property rights can be considered in each step of the test. The conclusion reached is that the Three-Step Test contains the potential to allow both aspects of the public interest to be considered as part of an inclusive interpretation.
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| 16 |
ID:
138273
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| Summary/Abstract |
The ombudsman institution, in both the public and private sectors, is increasingly identified with the ethos of consumerism and the protection of consumer rights. The current trend is exemplified and reinforced by the EU ADR Directive and by the government response to a recent inquiry into complaints conducted by the Public Administration Select Committee. This article argues that the dominant consumerist ethos diminishes the ability of the ombudsman institution to fulfil its potential. If the ombudsman institution, in particular as manifest in the office of the UK Parliamentary Ombudsman, is to serve the public interest, it must instead promote human rights principles and constitutional morality, adopt a process that is marked by public reasoning and participation and seek by a whole-system approach to realise a vision that is integrated and truly democratic.
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