|
|
|
Sort Order |
|
|
|
Items / Page
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
025284
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1968.
|
| Description |
157p.Hbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 002831 | 931/GER 002831 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
064203
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2005.
|
| Description |
viii, 494p
|
| Standard Number |
0195672291
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049799 | 330.15/GUP 049799 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
123776
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This essay connects the 2103 Boston Bombings to the dynamics of a highly individualist, modern society. The perpetrators (Tsarnaev brothers) represent an atomized stratum of Americans, disconnected from communal institutions and organizations; socially insignificant men, ready to commit publicized, albeit isolated, acts of violence. With the exception of the World Trade Center, major terrorist attacks in the past two decades have been perpetrated by asocial, isolated individuals. An expansive security and welfare state is an inadequate response to atomized terror and is potentially problematic for our liberties. An approach more consistent with security and freedom is to nurture the rights and responsibilities of democratic citizenship.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
187539
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Beşir Fuad (1852?-1887) is an obscure figure among late nineteenth century Ottoman intellectuals known for his materialistic views which were unprecedented under the Hamidian regime (1876-1909) and who shocked his contemporaries by committing suicide at an early age, leaving a note and a letter containing his last impressions and world view. Just months before his suicide, Beşir Fuad published a Voltaire biography in which he commemorates him as an Enlightenment ideal to be emulated in humankind’s struggle against religious intolerance. In this article, Beşir Fuad’s Voltaire (1886) is examined, arguing that the monograph was, though in an embryonic form, an early expression and defence of individual liberty, based on a materialistic world view that aims at demystification of the prevailing customs and morals as irrational and superstitious absurdities to pave the way for a future society in which the individual would be in liberty.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
118140
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
China is undergoing a transitional period of rapid economic and social development. The way in which this period is managed will hold significant implications for the Chinese state concerning both its internal and external security. While fundamentally resting upon progressing from a developing to a developed economy, this transition highlights deep issues and tensions affecting China-ranging from rising societal inequalities to various separatism threats to mounting individualism. Regardless of internal succession struggles within the Communist Party of China (CCP), it is critical to focus upon this multitude of (mounting) social and economic issues-particularly outside of the political realm-that China's new leaders will have to face. Here, we highlight three themes central to this transition-a search for internal stability; China's multiple, interlocking internal issues; and the longevity, resilience and adaptability of the CCP-in order to assess their potential impact on China's domestic and, critically, external politics.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
031348
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
Toronto, University of Toronto Press, 1963.
|
| Description |
59p.
|
| Series |
Alan B Plaunt memorial lectures
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 012299 | 320.011/COR 012299 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
174408
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
As market reforms and socioeconomic development have transformed the Chinese economy, family life in rural and urban areas has also been directly and indirectly altered. Yet demographers who observe the rise of singlehood and sub-replacement fertility find confirmation of the universal application of theories in support of the Second Demographic Transition (SDT), while others find that high rates of marriage, near absence of births outside of marriage, and continuing centrality of inter-generational aid flows call for a more nuanced approach in China. In response to the still limited research on this rising diversity of contemporary family life in China, this special issue provides both theoretical insights and empirical evidence to examine how individualistic and familial values coexist, clash, and interact in different aspects of family life, and how gender relations and intergenerational politics have evolved at the same time.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
189471
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has varied across countries. Some countries controlled the virus relatively well, while others did not. In the United States, almost a million people died. However, South Korea’s death toll is only about 12,000 even though its population is about one-sixth of the United States. What caused the difference? We argue that public compliance to government direction is the primary reason. South Korea’s collective culture valuing communal benefits helped the people conform to government directions, such as mask wearing in public places. By contrast, American people resisted the government policies that restrict individual freedom due to the individualistic culture. In South Korea, historical experiences of relatively frequent national crises led to the rise of defensive nationalism, resulting in national union. However, the United States had relatively fewer national crises, and thus nationalism did not rise. Instead, national division, xenophobia, and hatred toward Asians prevailed in the United States. Besides the cultural differences, differences in national leader’s characteristics, past experiences of public health crisis, and political system also contributed to the different outcomes of the crisis.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 9 |
ID:
187067
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Various studies conducted in recent years have found that in many cases, consumer behaviour in the US does not correspond with assumptions associated with rational behaviour. One of the areas examined in this context is the impact of the zero price. This article takes two experiments that examined the zero price effect in the US and repeats them in Israel to check if Israeli consumer behaviour in this field is similar to that of American consumers. The results show that at least in terms of the zero price effect, Israeli consumer behaviour differs from that of American consumers: while American consumers are greatly influenced by the opportunity to receive free products, Israeli consumers are far less influenced by the opportunity to receive free items.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 10 |
ID:
167665
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Why do American perspectives of international relations (IR) continue to hold sway over an increasingly diverse discipline? What actually constitutes “Americanness” in IR? Who is considered “American” in IR? These are the central questions we explore in this essay. Drawing on cognitive and behavioral insights from social psychology, we argue that there is a distinct “American approach” to international relations and security studies and that this approach is a product of Western cognitive frames. We identify three factors that represent the American approach's hyper-Westernized framing: individualism, equality, and a preference for causal rather than contextual analysis, and a preference for egalitarianism. We argue that these are reinforced by two social identity processes—academic identity and national identity. The consequences of “being American” in IR and security studies suggest not only problems of attention and accuracy, but an inherent failure to appreciate that Western—and particularly, American—ways of seeing and valuing the world are not universal.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 11 |
ID:
122361
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The human rights debates, which have been high in the past two decades, have proven futile. They increasingly make it clear that it is impossible to change attitudes that are enrooted in centuries-old specific cultural, religious, and other underpinnings.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 12 |
ID:
145187
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are growing rapidly in many parts of sub-Saharan Africa and the developing world. This article presents new evidence on the theologies and activities of these popular churches, based on sermon texts and interview data gathered from a random sample of churches in Nairobi, Kenya. It finds that Pentecostal churches in Nairobi are remarkably consistent in the messages they disseminate, despite great variation in church and membership characteristics across congregations. The dominant theme in sermons was a focus on cultivating believers' sense of their own potential and autonomy as individuals. Other topics commonly associated with Pentecostal churches such as getting rich quickly and social conservatism were not as central. The focus on individual autonomy also stands in stark contrast to more collectivist agendas of social change. Indeed, the individualist theme was accompanied by a relative lack of social service provision, reflecting an approach to economic development that focuses on individual mental transformation rather than material handouts or systemic reform. In contrast to literature on civil society and ethnicity, which sees religious groups as potential collective agents or as cohesive interest groups, this article suggests that Pentecostal and Charismatic churches are leading their members to prioritize the individual.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 13 |
ID:
128556
|
|
|
| 14 |
ID:
030611
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
New York, Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, 1971.
|
| Description |
xxi, 485p.Hbk
|
| Standard Number |
0155551280
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007345 | 923/COS 007345 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 15 |
ID:
025047
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
DelhI, Metropolitan Book Co. (Pvt) Ltd, 1972.
|
| Description |
xii, 301p.Hbk
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 007766 | 923.254/NEE 007766 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
|
|
|
|
| 16 |
ID:
129838
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The strong public support for displays of Maori culture since the mid-1980s in New Zealand under biculturalism appears paradoxical. Cultural values of respect for tradition, community, hierarchy, and attachment to place are promoted abroad and incorporated into public institutions at home at the same time as neoliberal economic policies emphasize individualism, self-reliance, rational behavior, and mobility. This article argues that Maori cultural practices supply the values of communal belonging and solidarity that were previously associated by the public with the New Zealand state. Thus, they support a postmodern conception of national identity and guarantee the legitimacy of the neoliberal state.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 17 |
ID:
155422
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Brexit and support for anti-establishment insurgencies suggest that British politics is moving away from the old left–right opposition towards a new divide between the defenders and detractors of progressive liberalism. As this article suggests, progressive liberalism differs significantly from both classical and new liberalism. It fuses free-market economics with social egalitarianism and identity politics. Both the hard left and the radical right reject this combination and want to undo a number of liberal achievements.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 18 |
ID:
132097
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Rawls formulates liberalism according to two conceptions of reasonable and rational, which, tied to two particular notions of society and person, define the basis of liberalism in Rawlsian thought. This article argues that Mehdi Haeri Yazdi's important work, Hekmat va Hokumaat, should be considered as a work of liberal theory, and shows how it endorses liberal conceptions of the reasonable and the rational. The main elements of Ha'eri's liberalism are his thesis that philosophy has priority over jurisprudence, his doctrine of contract based upon concepts of agency contract (aqd-e vekalat) and joint private ownership (malekiyat-e shakhsi-ye musha), and his defense of individualism against the alleged collectivism of Rousseau.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 19 |
ID:
131536
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2014.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
Recently, the importance of research transparency via replication studies has been greatly discussed in most of the social sciences, political science included. Indeed, as Gherghina and Katsanidou (2013) and Freese (2007) note, to some extent, the discussion has been prompted by the tremendous changes in publishing in the past decade or so. With the enormous expansion in data availability and instant publication made possible by the Internet, there now are many opportunities to verify the findings presented in the discipline's major journals. "Replication, replication" has not only become the mantra for political science, but for economics, psychology, and quantitative sociology as well. These developments opened a debate on how to best "guard the high standards or research practice and allow for the maximum use of current knowledge for the further development of science" (Gherghina and Katsanidou 2013, 1; for similar sentiments see King 1995).
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 20 |
ID:
122525
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2013.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
A product of science, religion, and national culture, cosmism is reflected in academic and popular views about our place in the universe, space exploration, and human destiny. Although linked historically to the Russians, cosmism captures many aspects of American thinking about space. The present comparison shows that prophets, prophecies, striving for perfection, utopian visions, and hopes for salvation are evident in both Russian and American thought, but that there are also differences. Geert Hofstede's cross-cultural research on national values-power distance, individualism, masculinity, and uncertainty avoidance-is useful for understanding Russian-American differences. Russian acceptance of power inequalities, collectivism, concern for group welfare, and aversion to uncertainty lead to constellations of beliefs and emotions about spaceflight that differ from those bred by American egalitarianism, individualism, obsession with personal achievement, and acceptance of uncertainty. Both Russian and American thinking include occult and paranormal phenomena, but Americans have been more reluctant to assimilate such influences within mainstream science. As a concept, American cosmism captures the occasional blurring of the lines between religion and science in discussions of humanity's place in the universe and future in space.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|