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| 1 |
ID:
090048
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
On top of that, Afghanistan will go to the polls in presidential elections in August 2009 (for the second time in the history of the Islamic Republic). In March 2009, too, Russia and Afghanistan marked a symbolic date, 90 years of diplomatic relations between the two states. Thus, there is every reason to talk about both the preliminary results of yet another attempt to democratize Afghanistan and Russia's place in present-day international policies in connection with Afghanistan.
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| 2 |
ID:
087406
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2009.
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The United States and China are the two most important bilateral, external actors in Africa today. While the United States wields more influence in most of Africa's fifty-three countries, China has surpassed it in a number of states and is challenging it in others.
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| 3 |
ID:
087256
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the Middle East, American policy has been the best towards Pakistan and Turkey. From the begining, Pakistan has enjoyed a developing good feeling in America. At the time of partition, India generally speaking was popular in America. But now Paksitan has become the more popular of the two countries. The way tht the Pakistani envoys and delegates to the various United Nations and other international conferences have conducted themselves, the role which Pakistan has employed in the United Nations.
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| 4 |
ID:
090458
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Sub-conventional conflict in India primarily constitutes internal armed conflict with or without external involvement. The media plays a significant role: it reports the news, thus fulfilling the people's right to information, and it holds the government and its forces accountable. The media has a complex relationship with the army and dissident forces. Both the dissident forces and the army want to use the media: the former for publicity and the latter to keep the people informed of various developments in the campaign.
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| 5 |
ID:
085856
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2008.
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ASEAN has been proactive in reacting to the economic and political challenges of the rise of China without being overly hostile, reactionary or protectionist against China in a conscious effort to co-prosper with China herself. At the same time, smaller ASEAN neighbours of China hope that China will continue to pursue a policy of good neighbourliness. With this background in mind, the thesis questions for the essay are: what are ASEAN's coping mechanisms to manage the rise of China? How do these questions feature into the overall tussle of ideas between realists and non-realists?
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| 6 |
ID:
062790
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| 7 |
ID:
089993
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Relations with the European Union are one of Russia's foreign policy priorities. Today when the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement (PCA) has expired the sides should decide what to do next. The question is: Does the accumulated experience of many years of cooperation allow the sides to transform their relations into partnership or even strategic partnership, which calls for confidential and sustainable relations and respect for the sides' interests? Here are other no less important questions that totally belong to the EU competence: first, to which extent can the European Union be described as a subject of world politics and which is its international personality? Second: Can an integration structure of 27 members with their inevitably different interests be engaged in strategic partnership in the foreign policy sphere? In my previous article "The European Union: Shortsighted Strategy" (that appeared in International Affairs in 2007) I expressed my doubts about the European Union's legal and political competence in this sphere.
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| 8 |
ID:
091336
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the history of the Druze people is connected with the emergence of the religion (dawa) in twelfth century Fatimid Egypt, and recent research indicates a large admixture of genetic stock of South Asian origin, modern Lebanon remains, if not the homeland of the Druze, then a long-established Heimat of sorts.
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| 9 |
ID:
091338
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2009.
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Early on the morning of 17 May 1983, representatives of Lebanon, Israel and the United States gathered for a ceremony in the hamlet of Khalde, several kilometres south of Beirut. The ceremony marked the signing of an Israeli-Lebanese peace agreement intended to end Israel's then one-year-old war in Lebanon.
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| 10 |
ID:
086219
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2009.
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The landslide victory of Kuomintang (KMT) Party candidate Ma Ying-Jeou in Taiwan's presidential poll in 2008 seems to have triggered a new wave in Chian-Taiwan ties, a possible precursor to economic prosperity, political stability, social harmony, and peace in the Taiwan Strait.
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| 11 |
ID:
075045
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2006.
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This article explores two ways of conceptualizing ties between charity, contentious politics, political violence, and terrorism. The first half of the article discusses how social and political exclusion serve as motivations for within-group philanthropy, political activism, and political violence. Using this conceptualization, charity and terrorism can be seen as two activities among a range of possible actions that address grievance and exclusion. The second half of the article discusses how terrorist organizations and political insurgents use charity as a tool to move community members along a "continuum of community support" toward greater acceptance of and participation in violent activities.
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| 12 |
ID:
091072
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China has very interesting conditions. China has to overcome its energy hunger in order to continue its economic boom. However, China has an enormous population, which makes it very different from the other developing countries. In order to feed its 1.3 billion people and huge economy, China needs much more energy than other developing countries.
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| 13 |
ID:
134328
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2014.
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For over a century the United States has been the destination of choice for Polish emigrants from all walks of life, a testament to the successful application of America’s soft power. This emigration particularly intensified among academics and researchers after World War II, when many found it impossible to pursue their careers in their home country under a politically oppressive system and state controlled economy. The process of emigration of Polish researchers became an exodus during the Martial Law imposed in Poland in the 1980s, when Polish research institutions lost up to 44 percent of their staff.1 The collapse of communism in 1989, economic reforms towards a free market economy, and finally, Poland’s accession to the European Union in 2004 have all changed the economic and social conditions that had prompted Polish researchers to emigrate. At the same time, particularly starting in the new century, research and immigration conditions have become relatively less favorable in the United States
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| 14 |
ID:
063384
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| 15 |
ID:
090044
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The growing lack of resources is one of the true and fundamental reasons for the worsening and latent local, regional and global crises in the new millennium. The presence or absence of natural resources have direct effects on people's living standards, the prospects of social and economic development of states, stability of the world economy and international security.
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| 16 |
ID:
091427
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article reexamines the conventional wisdom that characterizes Sino-Japanese energy relations as predominantly competitive, but views Sino-Japanese environmental relations as essentially cooperative. Using sociological theories of risk, it is argued that Sino-Japanese cooperation is more likely in both the energy and environmental areas when common risks are perceived and relative gains are minimized. Despite their many conflicting strategic, political, and economic interests, as energy importers who are vulnerable to supply interruptions in the Middle East and competitors for global energy supplies, China and Japan share common risks to their energy security. Consequently, there actually may be increasing opportunities for China and Japan to address their common concerns through bilateral and multilateral cooperative practices, such as common positions on pricing or energy conservation initiatives. Although one would expect China and Japan to highlight their mutual interests in tackling environmental problems such as air pollution, in fact relative gains often impede cooperation. Japan increasingly views China as an economic competitor and is reducing environmental aid, while China continues to set a priority on economic growth, which sets limits on the use of costlier Japanese green technologies. By examining a selection of scholarly articles, reports and newspaper articles by Chinese and Japanese analysts, as well as material from interviews in Beijing and Tokyo in May-June 2007, the paper shows how environmental and energy issues in Sino-Japanese relations may be framed as threats, requiring counter-measures, or common risks, which can be addressed through cooperative practices. Lastly, the paper discusses the possibility of the development of an energy security 'risk community' as cooperative practices develop between China and Japan. Nonetheless, conflicting political interests, strategies, and self-images, accentuating relative gains, may provide obstacles to their cooperation in both energy security and environmental protection.
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| 17 |
ID:
089841
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
By 2008, in the face of mounting criticism of the British performance in Iraq and clear evidence that the US surge was 'working', the transatlantic debate on small wars had been inverted: 'Basra' had supplanted 'Malaya' as shorthand for British skill in irregular warfare; it was now the Americans who seemed the masters of modern counter-insurgency and the British the students in need of instruction. The author examines what this apparent role reversal - and the accompanying 'family feud' - really says about Anglophone armies.
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| 18 |
ID:
175069
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In this article I will discuss three areas: Central Asian countries' immediate responses to the COVID-19 crisis, including the current public health situation; the short- and mid-term economic impact of the global shutdown and slump in oil prices; and what the countries' responses demonstrate about their regimes, relationships, and places in the world today. I will compare and contrast the five countries throughout the article, drawing attention to the most relevant and interesting examples of policy and outcome, with supporting statistics and commentary as relevant. Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan will get the bulk of the analysis, which is a reflection of the difficulty of getting credible information about the COVID-19 situation in Turkmenistan.
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| 19 |
ID:
087124
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Viewing the international overall environment, the financial crisis, which is hardly seen once in a country, is hitting hard economies around the world, including that of China and the EU, with profound implications on the international political and economic architecture. The world is at a new stage of accelerated adjustment and transformation. Bilaterally, China-EU relations encountered difficulties and challenges in 2008 that were rarely seen ing the past 20 plus years.
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| 20 |
ID:
176021
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article offers a relational analysis of the use of armed drones in the ‘war on terror’. Drawing from Erin Manning’s writings on movement, relations, and the posthuman, I explore how bodies and spaces are read as digitised data in the processes of the drone assemblage, reducing movement to displacement and undoing relations of becoming. The drone’s violence lies in its crippling of bodies’ capacity to respond to their immediate environments and relations. The point of departure for this article is the concept of the ‘virtual’ as drawn out by Manning: the indeterminate potential of movement which moves bodies and relations. My analysis revisits the transcripts of Uruzgan drone attack in Afghanistan in 2010, a case that has been extensively studied in the critical literature on drones to offer conceptions of what it means for the drone to be a posthuman entity. Instead of situating the drone as a posthuman object, I examine it from a posthuman methodology where the focus is on relations, rather than determinate actors or outcomes. My intervention here is twofold: to propose a framework for understanding the drone’s violence in its processes of disrupting and undoing relations, and relatedly to argue for the methodological and theoretical value of the posthuman.
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