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| 1 |
ID:
101598
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 1951 San Francisco Peace Treaty ending World War II in the Pacific does not include any language regarding sovereignty over Dokdo, the islets situated in the East Sea/Sea of Japan between Korea and Japan. Earlier drafts had addressed this issue, but language on Dokdo was omitted because of the urgency of completing the Peace Treaty and the outbreak of the Korean War. Earlier documents issued by the Allied Powers had separated Dokdo from Japan's main islands, Korea has strong historical evidence to support its claim to the islets and it has exercised effective occupation over them since the early 1950s. Japan agreed to a Normalization Treaty with Korea in 1965 without insisting on any language referring to Dokdo. Although Japan continues to protest Korea's occupation of Dokdo, its claim is not strengthened by absence of any reference to these islets in the text of the San Francisco Peace Treaty.
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| 2 |
ID:
133755
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2014.
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In June 1989, the First Congress of People's Deputies of the Soviet Union established the Commission for Historical and Legal Estimation of the Soviet-German Non-aggression Pact of 1939. In the commission, representatives from Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania condemned the Soviet annexation of the Baltic States, prompting heated arguments regarding the invalidity of the related secret protocol of the pact with other members who continued to hold the traditional Soviet ideological view of the pact as something positive. The debate over the secret protocol had the further potential to extend to disputes over 'recovery of lost territory' amongst the Baltic States, Ukraine, Moldova, Belarus and Russia. This article analyses the arguments used by commission members, considering the interplay of national interests, how they balanced arguments between restoration of 'state sovereignty' and maintenance of borders, and how they finally compromised and concluded the commission's report.
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| 3 |
ID:
018019
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Oct 2000.
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| Description |
557-573
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| 4 |
ID:
051753
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| Publication |
London, Lynne Rienner Publishers, 1998.
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| Description |
x, 253p.
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| Standard Number |
1555876315
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039773 | 327.17096/KEL 039773 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
022306
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2002.
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| Description |
73-84
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| 6 |
ID:
173365
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For well over twenty years, we have witnessed an intriguing debate about the nature of cyberspace. Used for everything from communication to commerce, it has transformed the way individuals and societies live. But how has it impacted the sovereignty of states? An initial wave of scholars argued that it had dramatically diminished centralised control by states, helped by a tidal wave of globalisation and freedom. These libertarian claims were considerable. More recently, a new wave of writing has argued that states have begun to recover control in cyberspace, focusing on either the police work of authoritarian regimes or the revelations of Edward Snowden. Both claims were wide of the mark. By contrast, this article argues that we have often misunderstood the materiality of cyberspace and its consequences for control. It not only challenges the libertarian narrative of freedom, it suggests that the anarchic imaginary of the Internet as a ‘Wild West’ was deliberately promoted by states in order to distract from the reality. The Internet, like previous forms of electronic connectivity, consists mostly of a physical infrastructure located in specific geographies and jurisdictions. Rather than circumscribing sovereignty, it has offered centralised authority new ways of conducting statecraft. Indeed, the Internet, high-speed computing, and voice recognition were all the result of security research by a single information hegemon and therefore it has always been in control.
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| 7 |
ID:
131217
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| 8 |
ID:
105948
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2011.
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Notions of 'sovereignty as responsibility' and 'the responsibility to protect' are often fra-med as radical departures from the 'traditional' conception of sovereignty. Many assume that sovereignty has, until recently, entailed only rights and not responsibilities. In con-trast, this article argues that sovereign authority has been understood to involve varied and evolving responsibilities since it was first articulated in the 16th and 17th centuries. It then traces the historical emergence of the tension between the right of sovereign states to be self-governing and free from outside interference and their responsibility to secure the safety of their populations. It cautions against a simplified story of 'traditional' sovereignty which reifies supposedly concrete and ahistorical rights of sovereigns while casting sovereign responsibilities as a morally abstract and late-arriving challenge.
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| 9 |
ID:
175109
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In recent years, the position of the International Criminal Court (ICC) in Africa has become an issue of contention. Through the African Union (AU), African leaders have expressed their concern in relation to the principle of impunity and self-sovereignty of African nations. The AU asserts fiercely that the influence of the ICC is overwhelming on the African continent; therefore, African leaders clamor for an amendment to the court or even a total withdrawal. I argue that the change of relationship initiated by the AU is not only selfish but also unequivocally harmful to the tenets of justice, law and order. By way of a vast exploration of data (internet sources, official government records, print sources and online interviews), this study reiterates the importance of the anti-impunity norm of the ICC as an instrument of equity, especially when African leaders are involved.
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| 10 |
ID:
145875
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Discussion of the contemporary Arab state system overlooks the engagement of the nascent League of Arab States with the debates about world politics and the purposes of the UN system emerging from World War II. The early experience of that body did not articulate a full expression of universalism, and the integrative cooperation of the Arab League was confined to a limited security policy framework. It did not subsequently seek lastingly to influence the nature of those ideas and institutions that would come to shape the United Nations. The Arab League was also never wedded to a Global Southern logic. Yet the UN has seldom been disavowed in the League’s diplomatic processes, which have been used by member states tactically as a conduit to maximise regional interpretations of the challenges from global order and as a forum for advancing the sub-region’s provincial interests.
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| 11 |
ID:
126056
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| 12 |
ID:
031249
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Princeton University Press, 1974.
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| Description |
xxviii, 1067p.hbk
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| Contents |
Vol. I : Readings
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| Standard Number |
069105648X
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 014626 | 956.042/MOO 014626 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
090164
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines how the concept of biopolitics is applied in development studies, focusing especially on Giorgio Agamben's account of biopolitics as intrinsic to the analysis of sovereignty and a state of exception. Agamben analyzes sovereignty as a biopolitical enterprise of disciplinary control in which sovereign power is able to enforce its role by the most draconian means while remaining nominally within the law. Agamben further claims that development is a biopolitical enterprise through which the Third World poor are reduced to a situation of bare life. The article interrogates this proposition, questioning how far biopolitics/development must necessarily be conceived as an exercise in oppression.
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| 14 |
ID:
181404
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Coastal states create and modify maritime features. The law of the sea recognizes the existence of artificial islands, installations, and structures. It also defines islands and low-tide elevations as “naturally formed” areas of land. Thus far, however, these concepts have been ambiguously interpreted and applied. This article puts forward a clearer approach. It reemphasizes some of the fundamental principles of international law by demonstrating that a feature’s capability of sovereign appropriation should determine its legal treatment.
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| 15 |
ID:
116049
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| 16 |
ID:
080573
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite their other theoretical differences, virtually all scholars of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) agree that the organization's members share an almost religious commitment to the norm of non-intervention. This article disrupts this consensus, arguing that ASEAN repeatedly intervened in Cambodia's internal political conflicts from 1979 to 1999, often with powerful and destructive effects. ASEAN's role in maintaining Khmer Rouge occupancy of Cambodia's UN seat, constructing a new coalition government in exile, manipulating Khmer refugee camps and informing the content of the Cambodian peace process will be explored, before turning to the 'creeping conditionality' for ASEAN membership imposed after the 1997 'coup' in Phnom Penh. The article argues for an analysis recognizing the political nature of intervention, and seeks to explain both the creation of non-intervention norms and specific violations of them as attempts by ASEAN elites to maintain their own illiberal, capitalist regimes against domestic and international political threats.
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| 17 |
ID:
090419
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following the five days' war between Georgia and Russia, a highly politicized debate began about 'who started the war'. While this debate is far from over, it is important to analyse whether the 2008 war marks an important evolution in the series of conflicts that started in the Caucasus simultaneously with the weakening and collapse of the Soviet Union. While in the late 1980s and early 1990s the conflicts were the result of mass mobilization around the banner of the nation, marking a revolutionary period of paradigm shifts, the 2008 war was much closer to classical wars between states and their centrally commanded armies. The direct Russian military intervention, Moscow's recognition of Abkhazia and South Ossetia as 'independent' states, further modifies the nature of the Caucasus conflicts. The 2008 war also reveals how much the Georgian state has evolved since the Rose Revolution, from one described as 'weak state' to a state capable of surviving a military defeat without internal collapse.
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| 18 |
ID:
083492
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| Publication |
Berkeley, University of California Press, 2008.
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| Description |
xxix, 364p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780520244641
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 053907 | 951.505/BLO 053907 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 19 |
ID:
165772
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper argues that the mature form of the political doctrine of the Ayatollah Khomeini (1902–89), Iranian Shiite religious authority and architect of the Islamic Republic of Iran, grew out of an encounter with the modern understanding of the state and the concept of sovereignty. Khomeini’s political doctrine, called the Absolute Guardianship of the Islamic Jurist, although based on a religious foundation, should be studied as a break with the traditional understanding of political power in Shiism. It will be argued that such a political doctrine can play the same role as the Christian rhetoric of the early modern political thinkers played, pave the way for modernization of Shiite political thought, and prepare the ground for a modern temporal conception of politics.
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| 20 |
ID:
092662
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