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| 1 |
ID:
067797
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| Publication |
London, Lynne Rienner, 1997.
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| Description |
ix, 198p.
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| Standard Number |
1555873073
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 039413 | 338.95/CLA 039413 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
096155
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Republic of Korea was one of the major victims of the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997-98, but it recovered its economic dynamism quite quickly. In the short term, its budgetary response to near economic collapse was immediate and quite significant. The government increased spending and, once the peak of the crisis was over, taxes and expanded its previously very limited support of needy Koreans by substantially increasing funds for social development and for aiding local government. Thus, despite its being forced to accept a large International Monetary Fund (IMF) loan in late 1997, Korea clearly rejected the IMF model of fiscal austerity and governmental downsizing, giving a much higher priority to the welfare of its citizens. However, this short-term response to the devastating fallout from the crisis seems to have exacerbated several long-term challenges facing Korea. The liberal fiscal policy clearly contributed to the country's burgeoning debt problem, and there have been only limited attempts to improve the problems associated with public funds and special accounts. Unfortunately, political inertia makes a serious response to these long-term challenges unlikely in the near future.
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| 3 |
ID:
066881
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| 4 |
ID:
175410
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In a world of globalized markets, sizeable core states gain greater benefits from economic integration. Small peripheral states generally increase in trade incomes yet at cost of sovereignty and agenda decisions. Recent studies in the field of political economy have demonstrated that concerted economic integration efforts actually lead to disproportional gains for bigger powers at the expense of smaller neighboring states. This differential in integration benefits results in political disintegration for the latter.1 In the case of Asia Pacific, Taiwan is situated at the forefront of regional superpower China’s unification campaign. We examine the history of Taiwan’s cross-Straits relations highlighting its experience with China’s various forms of power. For other smaller states in the region, what lessons can be learnt from Taiwan’s experience in the last few decades characterized by China’s “peaceful ascendance” and regional bloc initiative? We suggest that Taiwan serves as a reference for other states in the region. We discuss on the implications of China’s economic integration projects, such as the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) and the role of Taiwan in the political economy of regional relations. Not only can its experience provide reference data for other small states like canary in the mines,2 but it can also be a facilitator of synergetic strategies among smaller state to broker new possibilities under China’s expansive influence.
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| 5 |
ID:
114783
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues, that the bitter division between the two major parties in Taiwan is not really reflected in the electorate, despite an increasing polarization of politics in Taiwan over the national identity issue. The authors seek to explain this paradox by examining the changing nature of political parties, in particular the growing role of ideological activists in campaigns, the rise of cultural and identity issues, the difficulty for new parties to emerge, the decline of catch-all parties, and the tendency for major parties to engage in cartel activities.
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| 6 |
ID:
129481
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper compares the status of women in Chile and Taiwan in order to examine two research questions: First, what can explain Taiwan's considerably better record in enhancing the status of women? Second, what are the implications for the ongoing debate among global feminists about the effects of globalization on the status of women? Case studies of the two countries suggest that they are fairly similar in terms of progress on women's education and health, but that Taiwan has a very significant advantage in terms of women's employment status and political representation. Taiwan's better performance in these areas reflects its distinctive development pattern and electoral institutions, while the implications of the case studies for the nature of globalization's effects on the status of women are more complex and nuanced.
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| 7 |
ID:
064437
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| 8 |
ID:
077020
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| 9 |
ID:
176132
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| Summary/Abstract |
The January 2016 presidential and legislative elections in Taiwan produced a dramatic and unprecedented victory for the Democratic Progressive Party over its long-time rival, the Kuomintang. The party had never had a parliamentary majority before 2016. The elections indicated the potential for fundamental change in Taiwan’s party system. This is what political scientists call a critical realigning election. The problem with identifying these elections, such as the 1896 and 1932 ones in the United States, is that we can only be sure of such an interpretation after a significant amount of time has passed. Still, some of the changes in Taiwan are fundamental enough to make such an evaluation worthwhile. We summarize realigning elections; discuss the factors that may lead to a change in the partisan balance; and describe the growing role of protest parties and social movements in Taiwan politics.
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