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ID:
189247
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article explores the prospect of transforming the Philippine-U.S. alliance into a security partnership. In the past, the Philippines doubted the U.S.’s often-repeated commitment to assist its ally because the 1951 Philippine-U.S. Mutual Defence Treaty (MDT) merely stipulated consultation rather than an automatic armed response in case of an armed conflict. In mid-2011, the Aquino Administration asked for an unequivocal U.S. guarantee to defend the Philippines and its naval/air units deployed in the Spratlys. The Duterte Administration, however, has expressed its uncertainty over America’s willingness to back the Philippines militarily in any confrontation with China over the disputed maritime territory. Early this year, President Rodrigo Duterte commented that an armed clash in the South China Sea would crush the Philippines because the involvement of American forces would make the conflict spiral out of control. This development, along with his decision to abrogate the 1997 Philippine-U.S. Visiting Forces Agreement (VFA), has generated a crisis in the alliance. To avert any break-down in their overall security relations, the two allies can explore the possibility of downgrading their alliance to a security partnership. In conclusion, the article argues that should the Philippines consider this option, it must take into account the following: the consequence of losing the deterrence effect of a defence treaty with the world’s most powerful nation; the impact on Philippine defence spending; on the ongoing Armed Forces of the Philippines’ (AFP’s) modernisation program; and whether or not the Filipino nation will support this move.
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| 2 |
ID:
170916
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| 3 |
ID:
149122
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| Summary/Abstract |
The launching of the review of the European Neighborhood Policy (ENP) took place only a few days after the terror attacks in Paris on November 13, 2015. In her press release, the EU High Representative Federica Mogherini added that “the new ENP will take stabilization as its main political priority.”2 Furthermore, it was said that “differentiation and greater mutual ownership will be the hallmark of the new ENP.”3 This article discusses to what degree the EU's foreign and security policies towards the regimes in the Mashreq are capable of contributing to the stabilization of this highly differentiated Middle Eastern subregion. The article analyzes how important foreign- and security-policy dimensions emphasized in the ENP review are dealt with in the context of the Arab regimes in the Mashreq: Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon, Palestine and Syria.
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| 4 |
ID:
064628
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| 5 |
ID:
133674
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| Publication |
2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A major feature of India's foreign policy in the post-Cold War era has been its increasing economic, political and strategic engagement with the Asia-Pacific region, a process that began in the 1990s as India's "Look East Policy". However, New Delhi's eastward expansion, despite sharing many commonalities with New Zealand, has not yet resulted in any substantial relationship with Wellington, be it in the field of politics, economic or defence/security. Despite attempts taken in the last two decades, India's engagement with New Zealand in terms of overall bilateral relationship is still untapped. There is ample scope for these two countries to collaborate and engage themselves in a wide-range of issues encompassing economic, political and strategic aspects of their bilateral relationship, with focus on a closer security partnership to deal with the emerging challenges from traditional and non-traditional threats in the region.
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| 6 |
ID:
072418
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| 7 |
ID:
137476
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| Publication |
Moscow, Rossiyskaya Gazeta, 2015.
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| Description |
174p.Hbk
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| Standard Number |
9780988841932
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058180 | 327.540947/FET 058180 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
124740
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Japan's foreign and defence policy is changing in response to new developments in the regional security environment and in the wider international arena. As Tokyo looks to strengthen its relationship with Western partners and especially NATO, the EU and their member states, the UK appears a natural choice both in itself and as a link to Europe. Michito Tsuruoka analyses the many strategic considerations driving Japan's efforts to build stronger partnerships in the defence and security field and explores what the UK can do to strengthen its engagement in Asia.
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