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| 1 |
ID:
144939
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| Summary/Abstract |
The year 2015 will go down in history as a watershed. Firstly, it was extremely rich in anniversaries. The world marked 70 years since the establishment of the United Nations, an organization that laid the foundations of the postwar system of international relations. It was also 70 years since the tragic beginning of the nuclear age when two Japanese cities were bombed. The emergence of nuclear weapons was perhaps the most important event of the postwar period in world history. Last year saw the 40th anniversary of the Helsinki Final Act, the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin Wall, and the adoption of the Charter of Paris for a New Europe, a document that promised a fair and stable European security system. However, 2015 finally turned that ideal into a shattered dream. Secondly, and most importantly, 2015 marked the end of the postwar era and the post-Cold War period. Now we are entering an era shaped by new major international trends that are coming to the fore. Thirdly, last year was perhaps the most successful for Russian foreign policy in the last quarter of a century. Yet it did not solve Russia's main problem: the deepening stagnation of the economy that can reverse any progress.
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| 2 |
ID:
151544
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the winter of 2014, two months before the events in Crimea, when it was already clear that the confrontation with the West was getting increasingly tense, I read again Leo Tolstoy's War and Peace. I was struck by a phrase that had not caught my attention before: "A battle is won by those who firmly resolve to win it." I realized then that Russia would resolve and win.
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| 3 |
ID:
070330
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| 4 |
ID:
140138
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| 5 |
ID:
138205
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| Summary/Abstract |
Having won the Cold War (perhaps largely due to the courage of the Russian people who threw of a communist dictatorship and were prepared to take risks), Europe seems to be losing the peace. The region is entering the next stage of international relations disunited and weakened, and poised for a confrontation or maybe even a large-scale war. Wonderful slogans about "a common European home" (Mikhail Gorbachev), "A Europe whole and free" (George H.W. Bush), and the beginning of a "new era of democracy, peace, and unity" (the 1990 Charter of Paris for a New Europe) - all of which looked achievable twenty-five years ago - produce a sad smile today.
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| 6 |
ID:
098015
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| 7 |
ID:
110465
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
We should not wait till the next crisis makes all the states it will affect in North America, the European Union and the rest of Europe realize that everybody is interested in close and friendly cooperation from Vancouver to Vladivostok. The way along this track has long been determined and responsible politicians should embark upon it.
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| 8 |
ID:
064759
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| 9 |
ID:
118598
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia has embarked on a path of military enhancement. Programs for re-equipping and fundamentally reforming the armed forces are being adopted and implemented. Although foreign military threats are at an all-time low, this policy will be continued because it is consistent with emerging international realities and with the internal logic of Russia's development. For these reasons, the topic at hand is not to change the general course of the policy, but rather to optimize it while avoiding crude mistakes and the senseless waste of money.
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| 10 |
ID:
088837
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| 11 |
ID:
147727
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is an increasingly strong feeling of déjà vu as some of Russia's Western partners are trying to replay the scenario of the late 1970s and early 1980s when the deployment of Soviet SS-20 medium-range missiles and American Pershing and land-based cruise missiles in Europe triggered a long military-political crisis. As a result, the mounting campaign for détente in Europe was halted or even reversed for many years.
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| 12 |
ID:
066849
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| 13 |
ID:
161023
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| Summary/Abstract |
Global politics, of which relations between the traditional West and Russia make up an essential part, is acquiring a new quality. Many analysts have been impatient to call the changes a “new Cold War.” However, the causes and forms of the confrontation, occurring right before our eyes, markedly differ from the sources of the confrontation that ended almost 20 years ago. The new confrontation is proceeding in different conditions and, most likely, it will be less profound—although it may be even more dangerous—than the confrontation of the past
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| 14 |
ID:
079248
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| Publication |
2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Many analysts in Moscow argue that the political and propaganda pressure being exerted by the West on Russia is the result of Russia's growth. But this Western pressure is more of a counterattack against Russia than a direct attack, intended to prevent a further weakening of the West's positions and possibly win them back. This counterattack is an important constituent feature of a "New Epoch of Confrontation
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| 15 |
ID:
080038
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| 16 |
ID:
071282
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| 17 |
ID:
096349
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| 18 |
ID:
153477
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| Summary/Abstract |
Key points at first. Nuclear weapons, if they are ever to be used, are unspeakable evil, but their existence saved the world during the Cold War and is saving it now as the previous two global systems--the bipolar one (which died, but there have been attempts to revive it) and the "unipolar moment" (which is fast winding down now)--are simultaneously falling apart. These two processes have coincided with breathtakingly rapid changes in the balance of power on the global economic and political scene, the crisis of international law and in the rules of decency in international relations, and chaos in the minds of elites in many countries. The situation is exacerbated by the start of arms race in BMD and by new conventional strategic arms. It is highly likely that we are moving towards a situation where cyber weapons start to play a role of weapons of mass destruction.
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| 19 |
ID:
083910
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