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| 1 |
ID:
065217
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| 2 |
ID:
117037
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
After Prime Minister Junichiro Koizumi's highly successful rule, Japan saw the five short-lived premierships - Shinzo Abe, Yasuo Fukuda, Taro Aso, Yukio Hatoyama, and Naoto Kan - over the period of five years (2006-11). This article aims to identify the causes of this unusually high frequency of Japan's leadership changes in recent times. Specifically, it finds that all post-Koizumi prime ministers lost power after a short tenure by following the same pattern of demise that was characterized by a rapid fall of approval rate in the media's polls. It argues that they fell into this pattern of failure for the same three reasons: their failure in economic policy; their poor leadership ability derived from the vanishing of the traditional career path to premiership; their unstable intraparty foothold caused by the transition from candidate-centered election to party-centered election. It argues that the politics under the Koizumi and post-Koizumi cabinets share important undercurrents despite their apparent differences.
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| 3 |
ID:
068257
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| 4 |
ID:
123217
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2006, a major drive for reform of the Japanese bureaucracy's personnel system has been continuing in order to enhance political control over bureaucrats. In spite of a bipartisan agreement on the reform's vision, heightened party competition has suspended its actual implementation.
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| 5 |
ID:
165550
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the elevated status of the prime minister in the Japanese Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) government through the lens of Poguntke and Webb’s presidentialization thesis. There are two distinctive characteristics in the Japanese case. First, its presidentialization does not occur as the evolution of the Westminster model and instead follows a unique path. Second, the reinforced position of the Japanese premiership is in essence the product of institutional reforms that the Japanese political class has enacted in the last two decades for the renewal of national strategies, which in turn means that the Japanese presidentialization is taking place by design at its core. Furthermore, the latter fact implies its potential risks—most importantly, the progress of presidentialization under the LDP’s continued dominance can undermine check-and-balance functions in Japanese democracy to a hazardous degree.
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