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| 1 |
ID:
156874
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| 2 |
ID:
126864
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| 3 |
ID:
065229
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| 4 |
ID:
078074
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As Germany took over the rotating presidency of the EU in the first half of 2007 one of its primary tasks was to redirect and reform EU's Central Asia policy before the Council's adoption of a new Strategy Paper for Central Asia in June. As Germany's Presidency Program explicitly states: "The Presidency will pay particular attention to the strategically significant region of Central Asia. The EU plans to adopt a strategy on Central Asia defining its interests and objectives." Moreover, following a meeting with MEPs on 23 January, 2007, Germany's Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier announced that Germany would launch a new "Central Asia Initiative" which would bundle together energy and security, the two overarching interests of the EU in the region, into a single coherent strategy. It is still, as of May 2007, unclear if this initiative will complement the Regional Strategy Paper or be integrated into it. Nevertheless, the urgency of a redirection of policy could scarcely be understated considering that Europe's substantial interests in Central Asia rarely have been more evident while the absence of strategy seldom has been clearer.
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| 5 |
ID:
130351
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the face of accusations that the administration had withheld information from Congress on possible Russian Violations of an arms treaty, the Senate on March 6 voted to confirm President Barack Obama's choice to be his top arms control official. Rose Gottemoeller, first nominated in September 2012 to replace Ellen Tauscher as undersecretary of state for arms control and international security, had been serving as acting undersecretary and as assistant secretary for arms control, verification, and compliance. She was the main U.S. negotiator of the New Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty (New START), which the Senate approved in December 2010. The Senate approved Gottemoeller's nomination by a nearly party-line vote, 58-42, with the support of 50 Democrats, six Republicans, and two independents. Three Democrats and 39 Republicans were opposed. The Republicans voting for Gottemoeller were Lamar Alexander (Tenn.), Susan Collins (Maine), Bob Corker (Tenn.), Jeff Flake (Ariz.), Johnny Isakson (Ga.), and Lisa Murkowski (Alaska). The Democrats opposing her were Heidi Heitkamp (N.D.), Jon Tester (Mont.), and John Walsh (Mont.). After being approved twice by the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, once last October and again in February, Gottemoeller's nomination was held up by Sen. Marco Rubio (R-Fla.) and others over concerns that the administration had dragged its feet in informing them about Russia's possible violation of the 1987 Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces (INF) Treaty. (See ACT, March 2014.) In a Feb. 28 statement, Rubio and Sens. John Cornyn (R-Texas) and James Risch (R-Idaho) accused Gottemoeller of "failing to quickly pursue evidence of Russia's [non]compliance with multiple arms control agreements and her delay in making the Senate aware of these violations." The three senators also said they were "frustrated" that the administration did not make a written commitment that "any future U.S. nuclear reductions would be carried out only through a treaty subject to the advice and consent of the Senate" and not by unilateral or other means that did not involve a treaty, such as reciprocal reductions carried out by the United States and Russia in 1991. At Gottemoeller's confirmation hearing Sept. 26, Rubio pressed her on the issue of unilateral cuts. Gottemoeller replied that the administration had already begun to pursue an arms control treaty with Russia, a process she described as "a difficult slog." She said that "unilateral reductions are not on the table," but did not rule them out in the future. (See ACT, November 2013.)
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| 6 |
ID:
154669
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| 7 |
ID:
037861
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Orient Longman, 1972.
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| Description |
260p.Hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 011040 | 923.2/SUB 011040 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 8 |
ID:
129189
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Keen to establish itself as an actor with greater importance in global geopolitics, today's Brazil seeks a foreign policy in accordance with its present stature and aspirations. The country has emerged from the periphery of the international order to become a global player with an enhanced voice on the international stage, eager to ascend to the epicenter of the most powerful nations, and with some degree of influence upon the global system.
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| 9 |
ID:
153483
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Russian foreign policy successes in the Middle East have created new and more favorable conditions for Russia. These accomplishments include the proactive assertion of independence in the realm of mass media and humanitarian values, development of relations with China and a number of non-Western countries, and stimulatioin of profound changes in the world. The continuing disintegration of the liberal world order and the turn of the West towards national interests and conservative values, which began with Brexit and Donald Trumps victory in the U.S. presidential election, have made it possible for Russia to search for new partners with ideals closer to its own. In this context calls have been more frequent for pushing ahead with a vigorous foreign policy and formalizing a new world order approximating the Congress of Vienna model. In these circumstances, it is important to reconsider the goals and capabilities of Russia as a country with its own, special system of values that takes a unique geopolitical position.
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| 10 |
ID:
085031
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| 11 |
ID:
151935
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