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| 1 |
ID:
035312
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| Publication |
London, Taylor and Francis Ltd., 1983.
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| Description |
lvi, 681p.hbk
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| Series |
SIPRI Yearbook 1983
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| Standard Number |
0850662478
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 021686 | 327.17405/SIP 021686 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
112492
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
With Nicaragua's Sandinista People's Revolution (1979-90) as an ideological reference point, this paper adopts an historical approach to a theorisation of the contemporary (re)construction of popular power in Latin America and the Caribbean through the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America-Peoples' Trade Agreement (alba-tcp). At the core of the analysis is the Venezuelan government's concept of 'protagonistic revolutionary democracy' which, by drawing on Marxist direct democracy and CB Macpherson's participatory democracy, can be understood as the definitional foundation of the envisioned '21st century socialism'. Mechanisms for the exercise of direct democracy and of participatory democracy promotion are identified at the national and regional scales, through which the alba-tcp emerges as a counter-hegemonic governance regime composed of two dialectically interrelated forces: the 'state-in-revolution' and the 'organised society'. They drive the regionalisation of 'revolutionary democracy', thus (re)constructing popular power in the production of the alba-tcp space.
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| 3 |
ID:
143403
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| Publication |
London, Economist Publication Ltd, 1987.
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| Description |
158p.pbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 029209 | 505.550/EIU 029209 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 4 |
ID:
121720
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Senior diplomats from 67 European, Latin American, Asian, and African states signed the Arms Trade Treaty (ATT) at the United Nations on June 3.
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| 5 |
ID:
076489
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| 6 |
ID:
094616
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| Publication |
London, Earthscan, 2009.
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| Description |
xxvi, 397p.
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| Standard Number |
9781844077458
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 054865 | 363.61/BIC 054865 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
132383
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Current revelations about the secret US-NSA program, PRISM, have confirmed the large-scale mass surveillance of the telecommunication and electronic messages of governments, companies, and citizens, including the United States' closest allies in Europe and Latin America. The transnational ramifications of surveillance call for a re-evaluation of contemporary world politics' practices. The debate cannot be limited to the United States versus the rest of the world or to surveillance versus privacy; much more is at stake. This collective article briefly describes the specificities of cyber mass surveillance, including its mix of the practices of intelligence services and those of private companies providing services around the world. It then investigates the impact of these practices on national security, diplomacy, human rights, democracy, subjectivity, and obedience.
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| 8 |
ID:
108014
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| 9 |
ID:
167072
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While most research into amenity/lifestyle migration still focuses on rural places in the Global North, it has recently been acknowledged that international North–South migration is a growing phenomenon. Against the backdrop of strong media attention to Global North immigration, there is a need to focus more on the rapidly increasing – but much less visible – migration streams of lifestyle/amenity movers to the Global South, and particularly on their implications for local and global inequalities. This is what this paper proposes, and it pursues this goal by providing a comprehensive review of the growing interdisciplinary literature on amenity/lifestyle migration in Latin America. From a critical geographical perspective, it firstly discusses key political economic factors that drive the production of high-amenity places in Latin America. The focus will be on real estate business and land markets. Secondly, the article analyses the local to global socio-spatial consequences of international amenity/lifestyle migration. The paper argues that amenity/lifestyle migration to Latin America builds on, and deepens, historically inherited global and local inequalities, which in many areas – rural and, increasingly, also urban – manifest themselves through growing social-spatial exclusion and fragmentation.
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| 10 |
ID:
107781
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| Publication |
London, Wiley-Blackwell, 2010.
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| Description |
xiii, 282p.
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| Standard Number |
9781405198455
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056293 | 327.73/NIB 056293 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 11 |
ID:
085755
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| Summary/Abstract |
hen the global financial and economic
crises erupted over the past year, there
was speculation that the Latin American
and Caribbean (LAC) region could insulate
itself substantially from external developments-
that the LAC countries could "decouple" themselves
from the recession in the United States and
other developed countries. In fact, while the LAC
region seems to be making it through the worldwide
storm better than it would have before the
twenty-first century, it has not decoupled itself
from the global economic situation.
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| 12 |
ID:
080850
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Even critics of Hugo Chávez tend to concede that he has made helping the poor his top priority. But in fact, Chávez's government has not done any more to fight poverty than past Venezuelan governments, and his much-heralded social programs have had little effect. A close look at the evidence reveals just how much Chávez's "revolution" has hurt Venezuela's economy -- and that the poor are hurting most of all
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| 13 |
ID:
060161
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Winter 2005.
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| Summary/Abstract |
As part of the Middle East Institute's commitment to promoting and advancing Middle East studies for the next generation, MEI in late 2003 announced the Mrs. Harley Stevens Award for the best essay on a selected theme by a graduate student at an American university. The award was named for Mrs. Harley C. Stevens, a longtime benefactor of MEI and the Middle East Journal, who died last year. The theme chosen for the first competition was democratization in the Middle East, with the essayists encouraged to write on a single case study. Under the terms of the competition, the editor of the Journal chose three judges: Amy Hawthorne of the Carnegie Endowment, Nathan Brown of George Washington University, and Stephen Buck, former US Foreign Service Officer, also formerly with National Defense University. The judges selected this article by Robert Parks (University of Texas), who received his award at the MEI Annual Conference last fall.
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| 14 |
ID:
110924
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| Publication |
2012.
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Throughout 2011, a rhythmic chant echoed across the Arab lands: "The people want to topple the regime." It skipped borders with ease, carried in newspapers and magazines, on Twitter and Facebook, on the airwaves of al Jazeera and al Arabiya. Arab nationalism had been written off, but here, in full bloom, was what certainly looked like a pan-Arab awakening. Young people in search of political freedom and economic opportunity, weary of waking up to the same tedium day after day, rose up against their sclerotic masters.
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| 15 |
ID:
076564
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| 16 |
ID:
167640
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article investigates whether the People’s Republic of China and Japan perceive each other as rivals in Latin America (LA; both the Chinese and Japanese governments tend to refer to the region as Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC), but for the purposes of this article we focus mainly on LA), and what impact such a perception might have on their foreign policy decision-making. We take LA as a case study because China’s and Japan’s recent (re-)engagement there began almost simultaneously in the early 2000s, and has developed against the background of domestic leadership transitions, growing demands for energy and markets, as well as international political agendas in which LA might play a key role. Developing the work of Thompson [(1995). Principal rivalries. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 39 (2), 195–223; (2001). Identifying rivals and rivalries in world politics. International Studies Quarterly, 45(4), 557–586] and Vasquez [(1993). The War Puzzle. Cambridge, MA: Cambridge University Press; (1996). Distinguishing rivals that go to war from those that do not: Aa quantitative comparative case study of the two paths to war. International Studies Quarterly, 40 (4), 531–558] on rivalry, in combination with perception theory [Jervis, R. (1976). Perception and misperception in international politics. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press], the article suggests three indicators by which to measure the extent to which China and Japan might perceive each other as rivals. Drawing on content analysis of a range of Chinese- and Japanese-language official writing, news reports, and academic analysis, the article argues that, despite some media representation of China and Japan as competitors for resources and power in LA, in fact mutual perceptions concerning rivalry have not affected LA policy decisions of these two countries.
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| 17 |
ID:
119857
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Chubut, Argentina-In mid-June, at the onset of winter in the Southern Hemisphere, a gang of burly, masked construction workers took over Cerro Dragón, an oil and gas field 15 times the size of Buenos Aires and Argentina's most important source of hydrocarbons. Some 500 members of a union nicknamed the Dragons wrecked offices, spray-painted seditious messages on buildings, and barricaded access routes with torched cars in a scene Pan American Energy's chief executive Oscar Prieto compared to battle-scarred Baghdad. The disarray forced Pan American-majority-owned by oil giant BP, with China's CNOOC holding a 20 percent share-to halt production in the field for the first time in its more than 50 years of operations. The threat was calculated to irk a government already spending heavily on imported energy and that has demonstrated its willingness to take over companies.
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| 18 |
ID:
165050
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the role of Argentina, Brazil and Chile (the ‘ABC countries’) in supporting democracy through the logic of consequences and appropriateness in three emblematic cases: the removal of President Zelaya in Honduras in 2009, the constitutional crisis that led to the removal of President Fernando Lugo in Paraguay 2012 and the sudden closing of the National Assembly in Venezuela in 2017. The authors argue that the ABC governments’ responses to governance crises have been shaped by a mixture of motivations, both instrumental (geopolitical interest or ideological affinity) and ideational (a normative preference for democracy). This mixture has resulted in inconsistent policies deriving from the mismatch between the normative commitments made by these countries, enshrined in multilateral instruments such as democracy clauses, which have often limited their room for manoeuvre, and their preference for a measured, prudent foreign policy based upon traditional principles of non-intervention. Specifically, the authors find that the ABC countries’ stance on democracy support depends on two fundamental conditions: their leverage vis-à-vis the target state and the degree of certainty regarding a potential resolution of a given democratic crisis.
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| 19 |
ID:
123853
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Being one of the main illicit drug producers in the world, some Latin American countries have a very developed organization to fight against drug production and trafficking becoming an example for other regions of the world.
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| 20 |
ID:
119085
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
PERHAPS ONLY A TRUE BELIEVER in the alleged Mayan forecast of an end of
the world on December 21 could be truly enthusiastic about the past year.
Estimated economic (gross domestic product, or GDP) growth in Asia
dropped beginning in late 2011and continuing into 2012; the World Bank's
latest estimate forecast 7.2% for developing East Asia, the lowest rate for the
region since the 1997-98 Asian Financial Crisis. The economies of Central
and South Asia grew even more slowly. Politically the region was on tenterhooks as con?icting territorial claims, staunchly upheld by their respective
advocates since (at least) 2009, unleashed nationalist riots and escalating
bilateral brinkmanship. Meanwhile, the region's high-tech arms race against
unnamed threats continued, headlined by China's launch of its ?rst aircraft
carrier, the Liaoning(nee´ Varyag), and by North Korea's successful launch of
a satellite into polar orbit-although the so-called weather satellite apparently
failed to function, the obvious point was not weather but to demonstrate
Pyongyang's ability to hit North America with a nuclear payload. Pakistan,
albeit deeply immersed in Afghanistan's 10-year war on terror (reportedly on
both sides), is busy constructing a full-?edged nuclear deterrent-despite
a third year of devastating ?oods.
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