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| 1 |
ID:
020400
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| Publication |
Autumn 2001.
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| Description |
105-116
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| 2 |
ID:
052341
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| Publication |
Jul-Aug 2004.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In the 1980s Condoleezza Rice was a prodigy on the national security scene. In the 1990s she rose to the top of her field. Where did she go wrong?
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| 3 |
ID:
142306
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since 2010 the National Security Council (NSC) has won plaudits for improving the clarity and regularity of national-security co-ordination. It has also been criticised for strategic shortcomings and a lack of capacity to drive forward the implementation of its decisions across government. Joe Devanny appraises the NSC's performance and future prospects, although without access to NSC proceedings it is difficult to infer the quality of its decisions or the coherence of its policies from the ambiguous evidence of apparent policy outcomes or public statements. So closely is the NSC associated with Prime Minister David Cameron that his expected retirement by 2020 renders its future uncertain.
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| 4 |
ID:
108618
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite outward appearances, the CIA's evolution between 1945 and 1953 was influenced by two objective investigations - the Eberstadt Task Force and Dulles Commission - and was accelerated, but not instigated, by the shock of the Korean War. The role of these two investigations, which ultimately resulted in NSC 50 and the establishment of the CIA as a viable member of the US intelligence community, has been overlooked in recent literature. While these panels played a critical role in shaping the CIA's organization during this period, the Truman administration never achieved its goal of establishing a truly 'central' intelligence organization. This article examines the formation of the CIA, discusses both reports, national policy changes enacted in response, and relevance to the US intelligence community's current operations.
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| 5 |
ID:
126290
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| 6 |
ID:
084300
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| 7 |
ID:
137701
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| Summary/Abstract |
The empirical literature indicates that momentum-style investing is a more effective approach than value-based or growth-based strategies. To confirm this, this article makes an attempt to construct a Momentum Index for the Indian equity market. The CNX NIFTY 50 Momentum Index is designed by calculating the volatility and volume-adjusted Momentum Index for each security in the CNX NIFTY 50 Parent Index. The estimated Momentum Index returns are compared with the CNX NIFTY 50 Index in terms of volatility, Sharpe Ratio and Treynor Ratio. Using VAR methodology, and macroeconomic, firm-specific factors which influence the momentum, index returns are analysed. This study also examined the Fama–French unconditional CAPM by including the Momentum Index return as the fourth factor alongside price–earnings, price–book ratio and dividend yield in estimating excess market returns.
JEL: G11, G12, G14
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| 8 |
ID:
177904
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| Summary/Abstract |
The National Security Council (NSC) has become the most important institution on national security coordination, planning and policymaking in India, particularly since 2014. However, the government has been criticised for not institutionalising its national security architecture as many changes in the NSC system are seen as personality centric. Vinay Kaura assesses the key characteristics and functioning of the evolving NSC coupled with the role and influence of individuals and institutions. He contends that a decline in prime ministerial trust or interest, which seems unlikely until 2024, could moderate the NSC’s role in policymaking on national security.
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| 9 |
ID:
055783
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| 10 |
ID:
137836
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| 11 |
ID:
176258
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russia has pursued policies that blur the lines between peace and war. Weapons and enablers used in the five domains (maritime, air, land, space and cyber) have been transformed, leading to improved anti-access and area denial capabilities, as well as faster kinetic and non-kinetic operations. Such changes have occurred before Western democracies have been able to respond. NATO should close this gap by developing a framework for deterrence and containment within this competitive space. The Cold War United States Objectives and Programs for National Security (NSC 68) established goals for policy and promoted guidelines that both limited and authorised necessary acts that shaped an environment advantageous to Western democracies. Tyler Wesley argues that a new framework, inspired by examples drawn from NSC 68, is necessary.
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| 12 |
ID:
018346
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| Publication |
Oct-Nov-Dec 2000.
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| Description |
18-20
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| 13 |
ID:
098734
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| 14 |
ID:
006969
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| Publication |
Summer 2000.
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| Description |
433-450
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| 15 |
ID:
102946
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In 1971, the State Department implemented an official Dissent Channel. In the nearly four decades of its existence, the Dissent Channel has done little to influence U.S. foreign policy. This very failure reflects the channel's success in responding to the emerging culture of protest within the executive branch. In attempting to analyze the channel's impact on the diplomatic establishment, this article seeks to go beyond a general critique of institutionalized dissent in order to consider the Dissent Channel in relation to diplomatic writing. A comparison of Dissent Channel messages and routine diplomatic writing reveals how the Dissent Channel actually weakens the potential influence of dissenting diplomats, while at the same time shielding internal dissent from the public. And yet, the recent history of the Dissent Channel suggests limits to the State Department's ability to manage dissent. The result is a new genre of diplomatic writing that is simultaneously internal and public.
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| 16 |
ID:
106736
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| 17 |
ID:
107032
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| Publication |
London, Routledge, 2011.
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| Description |
xvii, 226p.
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| Series |
Routledge security and conflict management
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| Standard Number |
9780415598354. hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056187 | 341.582/CHA 056187 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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