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| 1 |
ID:
076297
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| 2 |
ID:
142481
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| Summary/Abstract |
Over the past two decades, the significance of the Gulf of Guinea and the wider South Atlantic Ocean has become incontrovertible in view of the spectrum of geo-strategic interests – commercial, energy, military, security and political – converging within the zone. Due to its vastness and lack of capacity to exercise adequate writby littoral states, the maritime landscape have become some of the most dangerous in the world: with frequent incidences of piracy, oil bunkering, trafficking in persons, weapons, illicit drugs and fake pharmaceutics, and criminal activities that are undermining maritime safety and security. A major debate is now brewing- in scholarship as well as in public policy circles- on the implications of developments in the maritime domain for security and development in Africa; including those around the challenges and opportunities facing Gulf of Guinea countries. Drawing on the insights as well as outcomes of a major conference on ‘African Approaches to Maritime Security: The West and Central African Perspectives, this article reviewed the challenges and opportunities that West and Central African countries face in view of the threats posed from, and by, their maritime domains; and their implications for governance, security and development. It further examined the prospects for the emergence of a putative maritime security community in the Gulf of Guinea, and across the South Atlantic.
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| 3 |
ID:
118204
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| 4 |
ID:
130388
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| 5 |
ID:
111892
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Though parts of Somalia appear mired in intractable conflict, both domestic and foreign trade continues. As a result amidst the conflict, corruption, and chaos Somalia's business community is a small force for peace and stability. Thus, efforts directed at enhancing the business community, possibly via the Transitional Federal Government or its successor, could play a small role in improving the situation in this strategically poised country with a very entrepreneurial population. However, such success is far from certain, and numerous other factors besides a strengthened business community would have to occur for Somalia even to begin the journey on the long road to recovery.
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| 6 |
ID:
111887
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| Publication |
Norway, Norwegian Institute for Defence Studies (IFS), 2012.
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| Description |
79p.
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056491 | 359.03/BEK 056491 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
148062
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| Summary/Abstract |
How do anti-piracy forces engage with the coast of Somalia? Several studies have criticised the navies for being ineffective and stumbling in their fight against pirates and in their engagement with local communities. Somali sentiments are reportedly coloured by considerable scepticism towards the international naval effort, not least due to a feeling of double standards towards foreign trawlers seen plundering the country's resources. This study investigates the naval–coastal nexus along the Somali coast by drawing on field research off- and onshore. It finds that anti-piracy forces’ presence have had a considerable impact on the decline in piracy. Moreover, naval–coastal engagement and cooperation run deeper than is commonly perceived. While grievances against illegal fishing are widespread, examination of the fishing sector reveals a significant amount of predation committed by local stakeholders. Competition for fishing sector rents, particularly over distribution of licences, occurs on the local, regional and national levels. Bonds between some pirates, smugglers and officials threaten coastal community development and undermine their security. This study concludes that Somalia's maritime predatory trap can only be broken when former pirate villages are engaged as equal partners in the regional blue economy.
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| 8 |
ID:
114834
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the current international response to piracy and armed robbery off the Horn of Africa (HoA). It first describes the measures that are presently in place before going on to assess the relevance of these responses, both in terms of serving as a viable deterrent and in the context of addressing the root causes driving armed maritime crime in this part of the world. The article concludes by offering some tentative recommendations on how best to improve the regime of antipiracy in the HoA, focusing on capacity-building, the development of sub-regional maritime security arrangements, incentives to better engage the shipping industry in mitigation efforts and micro socioeconomic development projects in coastal regions of Somalia that support piracy.
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| 9 |
ID:
190947
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| Summary/Abstract |
Telegram, an encrypted digital messaging application, is an emerging hotbed for digital piracy. It has several features that make it attractive for pirates, including the ability to share large files at scale, coupled with an emphasis on privacy and security that allows for such sharing to be carried out largely anonymously. Telegram gained prominence in academic literature as a safe haven for activities in the digital realm that have increasingly found themselves subject to institutional censure. However, while most studies have delved into the matter of online video piracy on Telegram, perspectives on the economic models and revenues relied on by Telegram pirates in India remain largely unexplored. This paper proposes to discuss Telegram’s ascent as a significant medium in the Audio-Visual piracy market in India and will more specifically analyse the mechanisms of piracy monetization (payment services, and ad-revenue generators) which represent an important stake in pirates’ strategies. Finally, the paper argues that the analysis in terms of economic models represents a valuable contribution to current debates on copyright enforcement. The methodology relies on both primary and secondary sources complemented with semi-structured interviews with pirates and an entertainment industry professional.
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| 10 |
ID:
097685
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Piracy at sea not only features prominently in the current news media, but has also
come to depict much of what analysts and decision-makers view as bad order at sea.
Although piracy represents only one threat to good order at sea, it appears to be misused
as a general term for a spectrum of maritime threats and vulnerabilities. It should be
noted, however, that bad order at sea stems from more than piracy, which occurs along
both the African east and west coasts. Closer scrutiny shows that piracy against the
shipping trade accounts for much of the threat-vulnerability interface off the coast of
Somalia. To the west, in the Gulf of Guinea, the situation is more complex and the
threat-vulnerability continuum more extended and politicised, although the salience of
piracy is lower. Nonetheless, developments in the Gulf of Guinea portray more progress
on arrangements and activities to prevent bad order at sea.
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| 11 |
ID:
148787
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| Summary/Abstract |
From the ‘long’ sixteenth century the Ottoman regencies of North Africa operated as major centres of piracy and privateering across the Mediterranean Sea. Though deemed by emerging European powers to be an expression of the ‘barbarian’ status of Muslim and Ottoman rulers and peoples, piracy, and corsairing in fact played a major role in the development of the ‘primary’ or ‘master’ institutions of international society such as sovereignty, war, or international law. Far from representing a ‘barbarian’ challenge to the European ‘standard of civilization’, piracy and privateering in the modern Mediterranean acted as contradictory vehicles in the affirmation of that very standard.
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| 12 |
ID:
109928
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The modern-day face of what is one of the world's oldest crimes - maritime piracy - is quite different to that of two centuries ago. Over the last decade the hub of global pirate activities has shifted from the East to Africa, with the growing scourge of Somali pirates - armed with automatic weapons and rocket-propelled grenades - having arisen as a global concern as a result of the consequences piracy holds for a litany of security, strategic and economic imperatives. The evolution of Somali piracy off the east coast of Africa has increasingly hinted toward the phenomenon constituting a lucrative industry in the region. Indeed, it is evident that there is a political economy attached to maritime piracy in Somalia and Kenya in particular, which elucidates that piracy is a crime that is based not only at sea, but also on land. By considering the financial system related to piracy, as well as the costs and impacts it holds for locals, there are a number of lessons for counter-piracy efforts, specifically those focusing on Somali piracy. Piracy can, nonetheless, be expected to continue to plague the continent's shores so long as pirates can act with impunity and operate in an environment where the risk is low and the reward high. Until sufficient political will is garnered for the constructive involvement of all stakeholders - the shipping industry included - in a holistic approach to the problem, both on land and at sea, the effects of counter-piracy efforts will be limited.
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| 13 |
ID:
110617
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| 14 |
ID:
155315
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| Summary/Abstract |
Through most of the seventeenth century, European states used an “imaginary” boundary in the Atlantic referred to as “the line” to cordon off the affairs of Europe from those in the New World. The line structured colonial rule, captured in the phrase “there is no peace beyond the line.” However, by the middle of the eighteenth century, the idea of “the line” no longer held. Common explanations ranging from the rise of capitalism, technology, and interstate competition do not explain this shift. Instead, I argue that the “golden age of piracy” was instrumental. In giving this explanation, I argue that the empire turn in IR has under-theorized the tensions between state and empire in the modern era. I introduce the state–empire hybrid polity as one that is constantly mediating the tensions between the difference characteristic of empire and the integration of the state. “The line” was how European states mediated this tension in the seventeenth century. Pirates took advantage of the open markets and ungoverned spaces inherent in the line, causing a crisis in colonial rule. To defeat piracy and make the world safe for trade, these tensions needed to be remediated and “the line” transformed. As an unintended consequence, this put further strain on England’s North American empire.
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| 15 |
ID:
122928
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that understanding why Somali piracy has resisted control efforts requires understanding that it is a criminal business rather than a conventional international security problem. We statistically model Somali piracy and draw two conclusions: first, piracy increases with economic stability, and second, naval interdiction efforts are stabilising but not significantly reducing piracy. We argue that these conclusions are not surprising if piracy is understood as an organised crime. Our argument has four components. First, Somali piracy is a land-based problem, and naval control mechanisms are not deterring pirates. Second, improving Somalia's anarchic political situation will not necessarily stop piracy: our statistical analysis demonstrates that piracy is a business which improves with a more stable operating environment. Third, piracy is organised criminal activity, and like other organised crime groups, will be difficult to control, especially if it becomes embedded in state structures. Finally, we argue that few of the relevant players have any real incentives to alter their behaviour.
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| 16 |
ID:
143655
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite renewed interest, one area of piracy studies that can be improved is that of historical comparison. Most studies operate under the belief that piracy is an action similar enough to be compared across time and space. Yet piracy is a socially constructed concept that only has meaning within a narrative and most ‘waves’ of piracy are characterized by more than one narrative. Thus, comparing all acts of piracy across time and space necessarily means accepting a particular narrative about piracy as true. Much historical-comparative work on piracy compares contemporary piracy to that of the ‘golden age’ of piracy in the eighteenth century. By focusing on the narratives of both pirates and counter-pirates, piracy in Southeast Asia in the nineteenth century is more comparable to contemporary piracy in the Gulf of Aden. Both ‘waves’ were characterized by competing narratives of pirates defending local interests vs. the counter-piracy narratives of criminality. This approach highlights similar dynamics in each that can help researchers and policymakers make sense of piracy in the twenty-first century. In particular both ‘waves’ were characterized by the rise of local political formations built around piracy and the denial of the political content of piracy by counter-pirates.
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| 17 |
ID:
112189
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main objective of this article is to highlight the challenge of maritime security in the region geographically bounded by the Indian Ocean. It studies the current status of maritime security in the region from both the traditional and non-traditional points of view. From the traditional security perspective, it examines the strategic interests of the major Indian Ocean players-the China-India competition and India-US relations in particular-in addition to the existing maritime disputes among the littoral states. The non-traditional security angle includes sea lines of communication (SLOCs), piracy, maritime terrorism, natural disasters and other crimes with a maritime dimension. There is a convergence of interests between both the littoral and user states for charting a maritime security cooperation mechanism which envisages a sharing of responsibilities in order to achieve the short-term and long-term maritime security of the Indian Ocean.
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| 18 |
ID:
119271
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In responding to piracy in the Gulf of Aden, both Chinese and Japanese policymakers have acted as norm entrepreneurs who intend to transform the dominant norms of international society. Chinese and Japanese norm entrepreneurship is grounded in the ways in which foreign policy actors construct and reconstruct their state identity. In China's case, policymakers have projected China's self-image as a responsible and benevolent Great Power that derives from the Chinese conception of Tianxia. Japanese foreign policy actors, on the other hand, have advanced the notion of Japan as a bridge that mediates between East and West, developing and developed states, members and non-members of international society. Although we do not advocate that Chinese or Japanese norm entrepreneurship should be accepted uncritically, we do maintain that there exist opportunities to combine and develop the multiple approaches that different states promote to problems. This article has shown that dealing with Somali piracy is one such case.
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| 19 |
ID:
119132
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| 20 |
ID:
104935
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Manas Publications, 2011.
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| Description |
140p.
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| Standard Number |
9788171494096, hbk
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056106 | 364.1640954/UPA 056106 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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