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| 1 |
ID:
170938
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper shows the effect of various factors on the combat stability of aerospace defense in the Russian Federation, highlighting the most important ones. Stemming from analysis of the factors influencing the aerospace defense (ASD) stability, it formulates a scientific hypothesis and suggestions for ensuring stability of the country's ASD
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| 2 |
ID:
179278
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| Summary/Abstract |
Since the annexation of Crimea in 2014, hybrid warfare has become a widely used yet ambiguous term to describe Russia's hostile activities. In academic publications and policy documents, there have been a plethora of different definitions and concepts to make sense of hybrid warfare. This article takes a bottom-up approach and analyzes the discourse of political and military representatives in the United Kingdom to explore how they understand hybrid warfare by Russia and what the implications are for defense policy. Using qualitative content analysis with quantitative aspects, the results show not only a range of different terms used to describe Russia's hostile activities, but also that the discussed topics do not reflect one particular definition of hybrid warfare. The analysis further reveals that representatives highlight non-military aspects of hybrid warfare over the military ones and consider the role of defense policy dependent on the nature of a particular hybrid threat.
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| 3 |
ID:
180716
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| Summary/Abstract |
COOPERATION is an essential tool for strengthening any country's position in the international arena, as well as for maintaining its political, economic and social stability.
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| 4 |
ID:
181643
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| Summary/Abstract |
After the Cold War, international relations in the Arctic were characterised by cooperation and diplomacy. However, since Russia's annexation of Crimea in 2014, largely peaceful relations in the High North have been endangered by growing military competition between Russia and Western Arctic powers. The lack of military to military dialogue between Russia and the West has exacerbated the situation. Consequently, an Arctic security dilemma has arisen, which threatens stability and increases the danger of unintended armed conflict resulting from accidents or misunderstandings. Security dilemmas are as old as international politics. They occur when states feel threatened by the expanding military capabilities of their neighbours even if there is no deliberate hostile intent. This article will examine the developing Arctic security dilemma and the chances of its mitigation. Two recent developments provide potential grounds for optimism. The new United States’ administration has pledged to return America to global engagement and multilateralism. In 2021, the Russian Federation is scheduled to become chair of the Arctic Council and the Arctic Coastguard Forum, the main intergovernmental institutions in the region. These events provide an opportunity to rebuild greater trust and confidence in relations between Russia and its Arctic neighbours and alleviate dangerous tensions.
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| 5 |
ID:
137161
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although Russian authorities point to the supposed success of Britain’s late colonial counter-insurgency campaigns as a model even in the 21st century, their grasp of the historical lessons is partial at best. This article considers the applicability and relevance of the counter-insurgency experience of the late British colonial state to present-day ethno-religious conflicts in the North Caucasus. The article suggests that the flexibility of British arrangements for counter-insurgency was a major factor in achieving long-term stability for the gradual transition to indigenous self-rule. The key practice was to devolve responsibility and power to indigenous elites operating with a high degree of autonomy. The article then proposes guidelines relevant to the conditions of the present and the near future that will affect prospects both for full-fledged democratization of Russia and for effective state-building, also vitally important for the development of the North Caucasus. The article concludes that the most relevant factor in the British counter-insurgency experience is to win the hearts and minds of the population. However, this cannot be achieved without a legitimate indigenous administration capable of taking full responsibility and ownership of the campaign. Otherwise, diminished political access and accountability create propitious conditions for adherents of radical movements, who are increasingly capable of and prepared to use violence and who are the only de facto rival political forces within the Russian Federation.
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| 6 |
ID:
102656
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty invites and enables Europe to develop elements of a common foreign policy. Europe should resist the tendency of listing all issues calling for attention, and be aware that it will have to address three agendas, not just one. The first agenda is the Kantian one of universal causes. While it remains essential to European identity, it presents Europe with limited opportunities for success in the 2010s as could be seen at the 2009 Climate Summit in Copenhagen. The 'Alliance' agenda remains essential on the security front and would benefit from a transatlantic effort at rejuvenation on the economic one. Last but not least, the 'Machiavellian' agenda reflects what most countries would define as their 'normal' foreign policy. It calls for Europe to influence key aspects of the world order in the absence of universal causes or common values. While Europe's 'Machiavellian' experience is limited to trade policy, developing a capacity to address this third agenda in a manner that places its common interests first and reinforces its identity will be Europe's central foreign policy challenge in the 2010s. A key part of the Machiavellian agenda presently revolves around relations with Ukraine, Turkey and the Russian Federation, three countries essential to Europe's energy security that are unlikely to change their foreign policy stance faced with EU soft power. Stressing that foreign policy is about 'us' and 'them', the article looks at what could be a genuine European foreign policy vis-à-vis each of these interdependent countries, beginning with energy and a more self-interested approach to enlargement. The European public space is political in nature, as majority voting and mutual recognition imply that citizens accept 'foreigners' as legitimate legislators. At a time when the European integration process has become more hesitant and the political dimension of European integration tends to be derided or assumed away, admitting Turkey or Ukraine as members would change Europe more than it would change these countries. Foreign policy cannot be reduced to making Europe itself the prize of the relationship. What objectives Europe sets for itself in its dealing with Ukraine, Turkey and Russia will test whether it is ready for a fully-fledged foreign policy or whether the invocation of 'Europe' is merely a convenient instrument for entities other than 'Europe'.
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| 7 |
ID:
090471
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
At the turn of the 21st century, the central Asian region gained recognition as a political geography (geopolitical), economic geography (geo-economic), and geostrategic unit on the world map. The reasons behind the recognition included not so much the similar nature and climate, or common history, or ethnic and religious components of the region's population as profound geopolitical , geo-economic, and geostrategic changes such as collapse of the Soviet Union, growing significance of the energy factor in international relations, rapid involvement of the former Soviet republics in the world politics, stationing of U S and NATO forces in the region, and a greater force claimed by other leading world agents(the European Union, China, India, and Japan, in the first place)
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| 8 |
ID:
082102
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
IN NOVEMBER 2007, the State Duma and the Federation Council voted for a bill suspending the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe (CFE). The measure, proposed by Russian President V. V. Putin "in connection with exceptional circumstances, affecting the security of the Russian Federation and requiring urgent measures," was unanimously supported by all MPs. ... Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov expressed his satisfaction with such unanimity and compared Russia's temporary withdrawal from the CFE Treaty with the renunciation of "the discriminatory provisions of the Treaty of Paris, which was imposed on the country as a result of the Crimean War," in 1870
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| 9 |
ID:
087988
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Russian arms control is not a brand new creation disembodied from the past but is heavily influenced by the history of arms control in the Soviet era. Tracing the evolution of Russian thinking from the days of Stalin, through the arms control boom of the 1970s, to the reforms of Gorbachev and the Soviet disintegration, this article flushes out the Soviet perspective on issues such as strategic stability and the use of treaties to slow an adversary's technological advancement. Further, this article relates the influence of Soviet opinion to current-day thinking in the Russian Federation (RF). As the U.S. and the RF prepare to tackle tough issues, like the expiration of the Strategic Arms Reduction Treaty in 2009, these viewpoints become particularly salient.
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| 10 |
ID:
189304
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This article analyzes trends in the trade and economic cooperation of the People's Republic of China in the 14th Five-Year Plan period (2021-2025). China is the world leader in foreign trade. In 2021, China's trade turnover in dollar terms increased by 30% to $6.05 trillion, including exports of $3.36 trillion and imports of $2.69 trillion. According to the General Administration of Customs of China (GACC), yuan trade turnover increased by 21.4% over the same period to 39.1 trillion yuan, with exports up 21.2% to 21.73 trillion yuan and imports up 21.5% to 17.37 trillion yuan.
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| 11 |
ID:
160204
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This study of lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender rights in the Russian Federation uses frame analysis of civil society input into the UN Universal Periodic Review. It reveals a stark state–civil society ‘disconnect’ reflecting oppressive government practices, including Law No. 135-FZ on ‘non-traditional sexual relations’. This raises wider questions about the efficacy of the review system, not least because issues of performativity and legitimation can be seen to facilitate authoritarian resilience. This allows the ruling elite to continue to dissemble by espousing universal rights yet strategically framing them as heteronormative, integral to the protection of ‘traditional values’ and inimical to identity-based rights claims.
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| 12 |
ID:
127749
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| Publication |
Frankfurt, Peace Research Institute frankfurt, 2013.
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| Description |
iii, 40p.Pbk
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| Series |
PRIF Report No.123
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| Standard Number |
9783942532594
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057579 | 327.47/BAK 057579 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
169513
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| Summary/Abstract |
THE WORLD is paying close and steadily growing attention to history, politics and practice of federalism, Russia being no exception. The subject has been covered in hundreds of books and thousands of articles; it was discussed at numerous scientific conferences and seminars yet the interest in it is not subsiding. It is increasing because federalism, its role and place in the contemporary world is gaining importance. Despite the serious and obvious achievements of the scientific theory of federalism it has not yet adequately expressed the essence and the far from simple and, in fact, contradictory nature of this phenomenon, hence new concepts and new doctrines.
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| 14 |
ID:
106739
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The article examines the EU's and specifically the European Commission's proposals for an external energy policy. The analysis departs from the assumption that the geographical scope of the Commission's proposals is not the result of 'geopolitical facts' but rather of a discursive policy process of geopolitical writing in which geopolitical images and ideas are constantly being created and re-created. I first examine how the Commission is constructing its vision of an integrated European energy space in theory and how it uses 'spectacular' images to justify the linkages between energy security and geography. I then distinguish between Walters's notions of 'networked' and 'colonial' type of relations between the EU and third states to examine the wider political purpose behind the Commission's vision of the European energy space. I then analyse the extent to which the Commission's geopolitical vision has been or can be implemented in practice in four concrete empirical case studies: EU energy relations with Eastern Europe, the Mediterranean/Middle East, the Caucasus and the Russian Federation.
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| 15 |
ID:
188307
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| Summary/Abstract |
EU energy policy influences the energy cooperation of its member states with Russia. Thus, how Russia perceives the European Union as an energy actor is significant. The article draws on an analysis of the discourse—and the topics within it—of public statements by Russian political leaders and officials regarding energy relations with the European Union in the period 2014–2019. By interpreting the core themes and content, it attempts to prove whether the European Union is recognised as an energy actor by Russia or whether Russia, rather, continues to acknowledge individual states as actors.
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| 16 |
ID:
085470
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2008.
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The Kremlin's change of leadership on 7 May 2008 and growing international fears of Russia's resurgence, especially in the aftermath of the Georgian conflict, make this an interesting time to reflect upon EU-Russia security relations. This article does so by examining closely the Survey of Russian Federation Foreign Policy and, one year on from its approval, drawing upon subsequent developments as preliminary corollary or otherwise of its bearing on policy. On balance, it seems that the Kremlin's evolving perception of Russia and international relations has encouraged revised priorities and objectives and a more forceful foreign policy that not only slow progress in filling the Common Spaces, but also increase the likelihood of Russia-EU competition especially in their shared neighbourhood.
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| 17 |
ID:
085655
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| Publication |
2008.
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The Kremlin's change of leadership on 7 May 2008 and growing international fears of Russia's resurgence, especially in the aftermath of the Georgian conflict, make this an interesting time to reflect upon EU-Russia security relations. This article does so by examining closely the Survey of Russian Federation Foreign Policy and, one year on from its approval, drawing upon subsequent developments as preliminary corollary or otherwise of its bearing on policy. On balance, it seems that the Kremlin's evolving perception of Russia and international relations has encouraged revised priorities and objectives and a more forceful foreign policy that not only slow progress in filling the Common Spaces, but also increase the likelihood of Russia-EU competition especially in their shared neighbourhood.
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| 18 |
ID:
132601
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2014.
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The advent of unconventional resources of natural gas has altered the order on global as well as continental gas markets. With rising liquidity, the position of established dominant suppliers is eroding. We focus on the initial response of Russia, the leading supplier of natural gas to Europe, to the new situation, building the research on unit-level constructivism and discourse analysis. We use frame analysis to reveal what image of unconventional resources was constructed in Russian foreign energy policy discourse (FEPD) in the period between 2009 and 2011, when the "unconventional revolution" did not yet have any sharp contours. We conclude that in Russian FEPD the unconventionals are considered as a distinctive and inferior source of energy compared to conventional natural gas. Emphasis is put on their economic irrationality and environmental hazards. The bottom line of the discourse is the idea that there is a choice between conventional and unconventional sources, with this choice being framed as one between good and bad, or right and wrong.
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| 19 |
ID:
086235
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2009.
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The consequences of the socioeconomic transition for male physical health in Russia are widely documented, but much less research examines psychological well-being and mental outlook, or how these outcomes differ for men and women in Russia. Exploring gender differences in personal control, an important aspect of psychological well-being, we find that, controlling for social and economic factors, Russian women report lower levels of control than men. Gender differences in the social determinants of perceived control highlight the importance of gender roles for understanding psychological stress and inform how social expectations differentially influence men's and women's paths to well-being in Russia.
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| 20 |
ID:
145653
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This article examines the existing governance arrangements applicable to the Bering Strait Region (BSR), assesses the emerging needs for governance in the region, and considers options for addressing these needs. Widely regarded as a critical chokepoint between the North Pacific and the Arctic Ocean (and its marginal seas), the BSR is subject to a variety of regimes, ranging from global constitutive arrangements (e.g., 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea) to bilateral operational arrangements. The growth of human activities in the BSR, associated with transformative changes occurring in the Arctic in recent years, is generating new needs for governance. This article reveals options that can be used or ignored by decision makers, in contrast to recommendations that may involve advocacy, with the single objective of contributing to informed decision making in this realm.
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