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| 1 |
ID:
185819
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| 2 |
ID:
160250
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| Publication |
New Delhi, KW Publishers Pvt Ltd, 2018.
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| Description |
ix, 235p.hbk
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| Standard Number |
9789387324367
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:1,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 059477 | 355.03305/PAT 059477 | Main | On Shelf | Reference books | |
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| 3 |
ID:
179170
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| Summary/Abstract |
Most observers of Pacific geopolitics assume that one of the key purposes of the Pacific Reset is to counter China's influence in the Pacific. We have had conflicting messages from the government, some directly disputing this assumption. From an outsider's perspective, however, both the narrative and policies surrounding the reset point to no other conclusion than that a key goal is to counter China.
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| 4 |
ID:
097412
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Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2009.
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| Description |
xviii, 333p.
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| Standard Number |
9780521735926
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 055046 | 355.3570994/HOR 055046 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
076568
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| 6 |
ID:
131389
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2014.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Under what conditions do regional security organizations (RSOs) take up a broader agenda or scope in security governance? Further, does broader scope matter for regional security? These questions are addressed using a quantitative comparative analysis of 25 RSOs over the period 1990-2009. Similarity among members in their capacities and political systems are identified as two central conditions for increased scope. In contrast, hegemony is not a significant factor. Institutionalization also seems to matter: RSOs that have been around longer and encompass more members are more successful in expanding their security agenda. There is only weak empirical support for the idea that RSOs with a broader scope have a stronger pacifying effect on regional security. The implications of these findings are discussed in greater detail for Asian RSOs, which have only limited scope and operate in comparatively high levels of insecurity. However, except from the legacy of conflict, variables identified in the general models apply similarly to Asia.
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| 7 |
ID:
109188
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2011.
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China's regional policy is mainly centred on its efforts to forge a friendly, stable and prosperous neighbourhood. To achieve this end, China has developed an approach combining both partnership bilateralism and tailored regional multilateralism. By and large, China does not consider its neighbourhood as a whole and has been very cautious and hesitant to engage in overarching 'region-building'. China has relied mostly on soft (attractive) use of power, particularly economic power, supported by cultural and assurance diplomacy, even though diplomatic and economic coercion have been exercised occasionally. China has once again become the biggest economy in Asia. Yet, neither the new power configuration in Asia nor China's own ambitions point to a return to the old 'Middle Kingdom' with China holding a dominant position in its neighbourhood. China will most probably continue to see itself as a self-restrained regional power in the foreseeable future.
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| 8 |
ID:
148838
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The strategic significance of Northeast India from an Indian national security perspective cannot be over-emphasised. This landscape lies at the cusp (emphasis added) of Bangladesh, Bhutan, China and Myanmar with a terrain and ethnic character that is distinctive, challenging, picturesque and placid. “The strategic geography” is implicit with Chinese aggressive posturing across the Himalayas and Myanmar, coupled with cross-border non-state armed groups impacting daily life in this multifaceted landscape. The border and territorial disputes that led to the 1962 war have not disappeared with China continuing to stake claims on huge chunks of Indian territory (see Figure I). While the historical origin of that Chinese claim is based on manufactured antiquity, yet China continues to aggressively emphasize that history.
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| 9 |
ID:
135529
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The foreign of a country start from the confines of its geographical boundary, but its initial impact is most visible in its immediate neighbourhood. a nation is only as safe as its neighbourhood and so it seeks to have a peaceful neighbourhood on its periphery. China has realized this, hence, maintaining a peaceful and stable periphery remains a core priority of its diplomacy. For a country to become a major power, it neifhbours. For instance, before the US embarked on its ultimate goal of becoming the world’s superpower, it made its intention absolutely clear about what it wanted in its neighbourhood.
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| 10 |
ID:
156083
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This paper, which is based on ethnographic field research, analyses the system of resident-volunteers in the neighbourhoods of Beijing. Between co-optation networks, surveillance missions, ritualised practices, and ordinary exchanges of sociability amongst neighbours, volunteering is an interesting form of citizen participation in urban China. The volunteer networks are made up of inhabitants who are selected and involved through the norms of civic duty, personal acquaintance, moral obligation, or persuasion, in order to contribute to the production of local public order. Finally, this specific form of voluntarism reveals, from the perspective of retired people, how shared socio-political practices are created and perpetuated within an institutional volunteering system.
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| 11 |
ID:
157485
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This article on the history of neighbourhoods (para) of colonial Calcutta considers the processes through which this peculiar spatial unit emerged in the colonial city, where community identities were fostered as well as contested. Seen as a place, a secured, stable location which helped in forming the community in an alien atmosphere, the para was a liminal space, neither a purely affective unit nor an administrative category, and neither a purely public or private domain. Borrowing liberally from each register to generate a unique spatial experience, paras were at the same time deeply exclusionary and also starkly patriarchal zones. The article brings forth these various strands in the history of the neighbourhood to enrich the understanding of colonial urbanism, Bengali society and culture.
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| 12 |
ID:
092151
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2009.
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They conclude that, with Russia having taken a different path from the liberal-democratic evolution chosen by Central and Eastern European countries, it is not clear what model of relations Moscow and Brussels should be aiming for (Karaganov & Yurgens 2008, p. 4). Their diverging positions are manifested not only in the increasing difficulties in their bilateral relationship but also in their approaches to the shared neighbourhood. In particular, the conflict between Russia and Georgia over the separatist region of South Ossetia in August 2008-and the criticism by the EU and many of its member states of Moscow's disproportionate reaction and its recognition of South Ossetian and Abkhazian independence-only indicated the shallowness of the putative 'strategic partnership'. Indeed, it led to the conclusion in Brussels that 'relations between the EU and Russia have reached a crossroads'.
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| 13 |
ID:
093055
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2009.
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Cultural links have, since ancient times, created affinity among people of different regions of the world.Though in the contemporary political world the fabric of cultural kinship has been weakened, it can be revived with a few innovative strokes of diplomacy.
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| 14 |
ID:
121928
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2013.
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South Asia, it is argued, has also been touched by democracy's fourth wave. The pro-democracy movements in Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh are a case in point. One may add the recent experiment with democratization in Bhutan to this list; but the experiment is not known to have been catalyzed by any popular movement for democracy in the Himalayan Kingdom. By contrast, the liquidation of the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) and the military solution to the insurgency problem in Sri Lanka seem to have reinforced the stronghold of family and ethnic Sinhala rule in the tiny island nation. While these experiences have been part of the present history of South Asia, it is difficult to say whether these have really been the demonstration effect of the Arab Spring sweeping across countries of West Asia and parts of Africa.
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| 15 |
ID:
075611
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2006.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This paper examines the changing nature of Hindu ritual performed in neighbourhood temples in the Malleswaram 'locality' of Bangalore city against a background of sweeping socio-economic change driven by globalisation. The investigation points to several 'accretions of change' in the embedded and experiential world of popular urban Hinduism. I argue that in the changing, competitive and multi-sectarian field of urban sacred landscapes in India, Hindu Brahmin priests act as 'religious entrepreneurs' and agents of change to create 'dynamic' adapted rituals that enable innovative approaches in order to expand their devotee base. The restructured and revitalised rituals lead to the invention of a 'new cultural grammar' that allows a reinterpretation and contextualisation of the language of traditional Hindu ritual to suit the needs of 'modern' devotees. The paper focuses on the nature, performance and experience of 'dynamic' ritual in an era of 'mass customisation', including three exemplar 'strategies of engagement' brought about by the Hindu priests in Bangalore: the incorporation of technology; the language of international imagery; and modern conceptions of hygiene.This paper is dedicated to my father Prof. M.N. Srinivas who was unstinting in his support of my study of the sacred landscapes and Hindu priests of Bangalore, and whose enjoyment of my fieldwork stories kept me going back for more.
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| 16 |
ID:
111282
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2012.
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The article argues that India does not have a well-defined neighbourhood policy. It makes a historical survey of the approaches of different Indian leaders to the neighbourhood and examines the reasons for the prevailing negative perceptions about India in the region. It argues that these negative perceptions have come about because India has largely adopted an ad hoc and bilateral approach vis-à-vis its neighbours and has allowed its policy to be guided by an overarching concern for security. In recent years, India's approach has changed considerably. However, it needs clearer articulation. The article suggests that India must effectively communicate its vision of regional integration to its neighbours, enable them to participate profitably in its growing economy, spell out its 'non-negotiables' in matters concerning its security and national interest, maintain linkages at the highest political level, open multiple tracks of communication and take a leadership position in multilateral forums like SAARC and BIMSTEC to bring peace and prosperity to the region through greater cooperation in diverse areas. This will prove effective in improving its relations with its neighbours.
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| 17 |
ID:
140101
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This article explores the changing use and management of domestic space and socio-spatial relationships constructed in a Pakistani rural setting. It offers a case study which highlights the central position of domestic space as a residential and social unit in rural Pakistan. It discusses how domestic space is appropriated in multiple ways into a social unit through social practice. Given that changes in the physical structure of any place lead to negotiation of social relationships, it is shown how recent modifications in design and structure of houses are indicative of, and to some extent facilitate, social change in rural Pakistan.
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| 18 |
ID:
076374
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| 19 |
ID:
137957
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| 20 |
ID:
165340
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While the Europeanisation literature has examined several aspects of EU transgovernmental cooperation under the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), very little is yet known as to the extent and the conditions under which such cooperation effectively transfers EU norms to ENP countries. Using a qualitative comparative analysis of 32 Twinning projects in Ukraine, the article finds that legal and institutional convergence with EU norms has occurred mainly because of the policy fit of a Twinning project with the needs and technical capacities of the beneficiary administration, notwithstanding sector politicisation, EU sectoral conditionality or the quality of socialisation between civil servants.
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