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| 1 |
ID:
128326
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Migration has been a regular concept in the history of Afghanistan where nomads roamed the land in search of basic necessities, while parents sent their young sons to trading centre for business and employment. Also, internal dislocation among families during conflict and tribal feuds has been a major cause of migration became predominant in and around Afghanistan with the need for development and better living standard forcing locals to migrate internally and externally. Over the years, pashtuns as the major ethnic group, spread out in large numbers, and other ethnic group, spread out in large numbers, and other ethnic groups such as the Hazaras crossed in to Iran also took place regularly, culminating in an exchange of cultural, religious and ethnic migratory routes.
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| 2 |
ID:
081372
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Insecurity and fear in the global North produce political space to advance security measures, including the externalization of asylum. States in the global North make it increasingly difficult for asylum seekers to reach sovereign territory where they might make a refugee claim. While legal protection remains intact under the Refugee Convention, extra-legal measures employ geography to restrict access to asylum and keep claimants at bay through a variety of tactics. This article probes the ways in which fear of uninvited asylum seekers is securitized and looks at the tactics utilized to keep them at bay, far from the borders of states that are signatories to the UN Refugee Convention. Drawing on research in Europe and Australia, we demonstrate how states are promoting 'protection in regions of origin' through practices of de facto neo-refoulement. Neo-refoulement refers to a geographically based strategy of preventing asylum by restricting access to territories that, in principle, provide protection to refugees
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| 3 |
ID:
108306
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2011.
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For the Armenians of Palestine, the three decades of the Mandate were probably the most momentous in their fifteen hundred-year presence in the country. The period witnessed the community's profound transformation under the double impacts of Britain's Palestine policy and waves of destitute Armenian refugees fleeing the massacres in Anatolia. The article presents, against the background of late Ottoman rule, a comprehensive overview of the community, including the complexities and role of the religious hierarchy, the initially difficult encounter between the indigenous Armenians and the new refugee majority, their politics and associations, and their remarkable economic recovery. By the early 1940s, the Armenian community was at the peak of its success, only to be dealt a mortal blow by the 1948 war, from which it never recovered.
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| 4 |
ID:
059680
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| 5 |
ID:
189408
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This article explores the haunting aspects of queer migration within two documentary films: Season of Migration to the North (Laumann 2015), a film about a queer Sudanese migrant who fled to Norway after hosting a fashion show, and Shelter: Farewell to Eden (Masi 2019), a film about a Filipino transgender migrant navigating European borders. Instead of focusing on how the films make the protagonists intelligible, I focus on how absences are conjured to question the necessity of making the subject intelligible. This is important because queer migrants are often framed as only victims of persecution who must become intelligible to the demands of sexual humanitarianism. Disrupting the way visibility is heralded as an achievement for queer migrants, I explore the importance of unintelligibility in migration, especially when the terms of appearance are controlled by not only norms surrounding sexuality, gender, race, and class but also the violence of European borders.
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| 6 |
ID:
100948
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The authors apply the theory of collective action and alliance behavior first developed by Olson and Zeckhauser and later extended by Sandler in a series of studies to test whether the nature of refugee protection influences state motivations to provide contributions. The authors investigate whether refugee protection can be viewed as a pure public good with the concomitant problem of free riding leading to suboptimal outcomes or whether contributions provide states private benefits that transform the nature of the good. Using a Heckman selection model, they test for the determinants of state contributions to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees and find that refugee protection offers several private benefits, indicating that it is best understood as an impure public good. They conclude, however, that even when states are able to secure these private benefits, it does not necessarily lead to the optimal provision of refugee protection.
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| 7 |
ID:
062811
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| 8 |
ID:
101752
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Conflict-generated diasporas are considered likely to maintain radical behaviours. This article seeks to explain why and how they nevertheless adopt moderate claims, especially when advocating highly sensitive issues such as state sovereignty. Focusing on groups in the US I investigate the Lebanese diaspora linked to the pro-sovereignty movement in Lebanon (2000-2005) and the Albanian diaspora linked to Kosovo's independence movement (1999-2008). The contentious episodes take place during the original homeland's post-conflict reconstruction. Embedded in the literatures on diasporas, conflicts, and transnational social movements, this article argues that instrumental approach towards the achievement of sovereignty explains why conflict-generated diasporas adopt moderate behaviours. Diasporas hope that by linking their claims to a global political opportunity structure of 'liberalism' they 'play the game' of the international community interested in promoting the liberal paradigm, and thus expect to obtain its support for the legitimisation of their pro-sovereignty goals. Diaspora entrepreneurs advance their claims in a two-step process. Initially they use frame bridging and frame extension to formulate their existing grievances. Then, an increased responsiveness from their host-state emerges to sustain their initial moderation. While individuals or groups in diaspora circles occasionally issue threats during the contentious episodes, the majority in the diaspora consider moderate politics as their dominant behaviour.
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| 9 |
ID:
081374
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the ideological function of 'models' of citizenship in shaping the contours of public debate and the ability of refugee women to make claims in the public sphere. Key elements of Louis Althusser's concept of interpellation are explored: ideology works by interpellating ('hailing') individuals, providing them with a social and juridical identity that constitutes them as subjects. The article argues that 'models' of citizenship serve as vehicles for processes of interpellation that restrict claim-making, through the imposition of a dominant hierarchy of identities and needs. These processes become visible through analysis of Somali refugee women's experiences in republican France
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| 10 |
ID:
077775
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2007.
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| Summary/Abstract |
One inevitable by-product of large-scale civil conflict is the displacement of individuals, either voluntarily or by force. That fact has been a cornerstone of the international community's involvement in civil conflicts, which has increased markedly since the end of the Cold War. Yet few studies have investigated empirically the connection between such conflicts and the occurrence and extent of forced migrations, and none have evaluated whether the ongoing international response has been effective in breaking the link between civil war and forced migration. We thus begin with the goal of assessing whether and the extent to which the effect of civil wars on volumes of refugees has declined since the end of the Cold War, chiefly due to international efforts to mitigate the conditions that facilitate civil conflict or enhance its detrimental effects. We present a model of refugee flows that accounts for the influence of spatial, domestic, and international factors on those movements, and which allows for the possibility of both temporal variation in the influence of civil wars on those flows and prospective and retrospective temporal dependence in those flows. We go on to evaluate our expectations empirically, using data on refugee movements in Africa during the period from 1992 to 2000. Our findings suggest that the effect of civil wars on forced migration has been steadily declining during those years, a result consistent with the greater levels of international intervention in those conflicts during the period
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| 11 |
ID:
106662
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2011.
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This article investigates the role of visual representation through images in the international refugee regime, with a particular focus on the female refugee. I argue that visual representation illustrated by the photo archives of the unhcr in particular, but also in other institutional sources, plays a crucial role in shaping our imaginations and knowledges, and that its dynamics are important in understanding the politics of asylum. As the international refugee regime institutionalised by the unhcr has developed, the imagination of the refugee has undergone three concurrent shifts: racialisation, victimisation and feminisation. Each of these shifts has contributed to changing policies and practices in the regime, particularly the change in 'preferred solution' from integration to repatriation or, where possible, prevention. More importantly, these shifts have all operated within a discourse of depoliticisation of the refugee, denying the figure of the refugee the capacity for political agency. This depoliticisation works through the construction of the 'female' refugee, indicating important lessons for our understandings of the political agency of both women and non-citizens.
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| 12 |
ID:
152118
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Oxford University Press, 2016.
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| Description |
xxi, 233p.: tables, maps, photographshbk
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| Standard Number |
9780199461172
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 058991 | 325.210954/DAS 058991 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 13 |
ID:
081375
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| Publication |
2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Academic writing often portrays migrants as either passive victims of violence and aid recipients or as courageous heroes facing horrific indifference and hazards. This article recodes them and their activities as potent forces for reshaping practices of state power. In this depiction, displacement also becomes a lens for re-evaluating the nature of sovereignty in urban Africa. Through its focus on Johannesburg this article explores how migrant communities intentionally and inadvertently evade, erode and exploit state policies, practices and shortcomings. Rather than being bound by their ambiguous status, they exploit their exclusion to exercise forms of autonomy and freedom in their engagement with the state and its street-level manifestations. Through these interactions, displacement and the continued mobility of urban residents is generating new forms of non-state-centric urban sovereignties and new patterns of transnational governance shaped, but not controlled, by state institutions. To recognize these evolving configurations we must look beyond Manichaean perspectives to see the full nature and degree of territorial control
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| 14 |
ID:
149691
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| Summary/Abstract |
Following a spate of long-actor terrorist attacks in mainland Europe, Jan Gerhard and Kit Nicholl examine the outlook for social cohesion and government security policy.
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| 15 |
ID:
081381
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| 16 |
ID:
100512
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| 17 |
ID:
061560
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| 18 |
ID:
007059
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| Publication |
July 2000.
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| Description |
537-558
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| 19 |
ID:
101698
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| 20 |
ID:
059699
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| Publication |
Sweden, Department of peace and conflict research, 2004.
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| Description |
28p.
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| Series |
Uppasala peace research papers; no.8
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| Standard Number |
9150617850
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 049220 | 325/MEL 049220 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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