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| 1 |
ID:
036288
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press., 1986.
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| Description |
xxxii, 611p.hbk
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| Series |
SIPRI Yearbook 1986
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| Standard Number |
0198291000
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 026441 | 327.17405/SIP 026441 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 2 |
ID:
035311
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| Publication |
Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1987.
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| Description |
xl, 495p.hbk
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| Series |
SIPRI Yearbook 1987
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| Standard Number |
0198291140
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 028298 | 327.17405/SIP 028298 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 3 |
ID:
111595
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The main purpose of this article is to shift the dollar vs Euro debate away from US-EU centrism to perspectives from emerging markets. Drawing on 40 semistructured financial elite interviews in Brazil and China, the key research question studied here is whether the US dollar is malfunctioning as the leading international currency in these parts of the world, and, if so, whether the Euro can be an alternative to the greenback. The results show that the status of the dollar as the main anchor in the monetary system is seriously questioned among financial elites in China and Brazil. As yet, though, the Euro does not represent an alternative to the dollar because of its fiscal and political fragmentations. However, despite these institutional shortcomings, the European currency is seen as an ideational role model for super-sovereign monetary integration out of dollar unipolarity based on consensual negotiations not only on a regional, but also on a global scale.
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| 4 |
ID:
143254
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| Summary/Abstract |
There is an enduring consensus about America's role in the world, which is due to the fact that while administrations may change, fundamental U.S. interests have not. These include protecting the U.S. homeland from catastrophic attack, sustaining a global system marked by open lines of communication to facilitate commerce, and preserving regional balances of power. Far from being a reluctant imperialist or hegemon on the offensive, the United States tends to fill security voids when they are created (even if often late to the game) to ensure the international system remains functional. To be sure, future U.S. grand strategy will be global and multilateral, but it will be much more selective than it is today.
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| 5 |
ID:
091790
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Private security companies' growing participation in U.S. and international military missions has raised concern about whether the private security industry is subject to sufficient controls. Industry self-regulation is often proposed as part of a multilayered framework of regulations to govern PSCs. But what can self-regulation contribute to regulation of the private security industry? This matters because privatization in the security realm has moved beyond understandings of the proper breakdown of public and private functions concerning the use of force. This article assesses what self-regulation can contribute to the control of this industry and whether the private security industry lends itself to effective self-regulation. It concludes that the private security industry does not exhibit the capacity to adopt and implement effective self-regulation on its own. If self-regulation is to complement state and international regulation, participation in the design and oversight of self-regulation must be broadened beyond private security companies alone.
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| 6 |
ID:
119861
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In April, at an international conference in Palm Beach, I struck up a conversation with a senior adviser to ousted Italian Prime Minister Silvio Berlusconi. It was barely six months after he was forced to resign in November 2011. "So what's he doing now?" I asked politely. "Oh, he's planning for his comeback," the gentleman shot back with a broad grin. "And there's no doubt he'll be back."
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| 7 |
ID:
110975
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2012.
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In 1998, U.S. President Bill Clinton's administration shut down an operation to kill the al Qaeda leader in Afghanistan with cruise missiles, given collateral damage estimates of 300 casualties and only 50 percent confidence in the intelligence. As the 9/11 Commission noted, "After this episode Pentagon planners intensified efforts to find a more precise alternative." In 2000 and 2001, the U.S. Air Force struggled to reconfigure a Hellfire anti-tank missile to fit onto a Predator surveillance drone. Meeting one week before the 9/11 attacks, the National Security Council agreed that the armed Predator was not ready to be operationally deployed. The first known killing by armed drones occurred in November 2001, when a Predator targeted Mohammed Atef, a top al Qaeda military commander, in Afghanistan.
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| 8 |
ID:
015278
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| Publication |
Winter 1992-93.
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| Description |
16-31
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| 9 |
ID:
021029
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2002.
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| Description |
33-50
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| 10 |
ID:
083302
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| 11 |
ID:
107064
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2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the dramatic events that transformed Czechoslovakia into a totalitarian dictatorship primarily from the perspective of the United States Foreign Service officers posted at the American Embassy in Prague. It is based on new archival sources, on interviews with former American Foreign Service and Intelligence officers, and on their unpublished mémoires.
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| 12 |
ID:
127093
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| 13 |
ID:
162828
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| 14 |
ID:
073775
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| 15 |
ID:
120061
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| Publication |
Singapore, KAS, 2009.
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| Description |
147p.Pbk
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| Series |
Panorama Insights into South East Asian and European Affairs
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057218 | 943.087/HOR 057218 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 16 |
ID:
074196
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| 17 |
ID:
111621
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| 18 |
ID:
087665
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Gary C. Jacobson analyzes the 2008 presidential and congressional elections. He concludes that the elections were, through myriad pathways, largely a referendum on the Bush administration and a reaction to the economic meltdown. He questions whether Democratic Party control of the presidency and Congress will be a stable phenomenon.
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| 19 |
ID:
105375
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In President Obama's words, the Democratic Party experienced a "shellacking" in the 2010 elections. In particular, the net loss of 63 House seats was the biggest midterm loss suffered by a party since 1938-the largest in the lifetimes of approximately 93% of the American population.
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| 20 |
ID:
105422
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 2010 midterm elections are consequential not only in terms of the candidates who were elected to office, but also in terms of the government policies that they will enact. High on the list of important policies is the decennial practice of drawing new redistricting plans for legislative offices. A new census reveals population shifts that will result in a reallocation of congressional seats among the states through apportionment and-following U.S. Supreme Court rulings in the 1960s-a re-balancing of congressional and state legislative district populations within states that aims to give fast-growing areas more representation and slow-growing areas less. Of course, much more than an innocuous administrative adjustment occurs during the process of redistricting. The individuals who draw districts are keenly aware that district lines may affect the fortunes of incumbents, political parties, and minority voters' candidates of choice.
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