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| 1 |
ID:
186831
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Communist Party of China’s transition from a revolutionary party to a ruling party has been accompanied by challenges to its legitimacy owing to issues of corruption and poor governance. As a result, the Party’s leadership has time and again laid stress on discipline and unity on internal governance, in other words, as a way of overcoming its shortcomings. This article looks at two approaches towards internal governance under current General Secretary Xi Jinping. The first, it argues, is a stress on the fervour and ideals of a past revolutionary era as the Party tries to reinforce its legitimacy to rule. The second is a strategy of greater control over the work of the state. Essentially, the Party is integrating the state ever closely with itself as a way of validating the effectiveness of its internal governance.
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| 2 |
ID:
150942
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| 3 |
ID:
116570
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Despite China's claims of a foreign policy of 'peaceful rise'/'peaceful development' and of seeking a 'harmonious world', and despite its economic openness and active participation in economic multilateralism, China's neighbours continue to be concerned about the overall direction and intent of Beijing's security policies. These concerns are particularly heightened by China's rapid military modernization of the past couple of decades. The announcement in 2010 that China considered its territorial claims in the South China Sea a 'core interest', can be seen as a setback to its regional diplomacy, so diligently crafted over the years and drove its Southeast Asian neighbours to seek closer engagement with the US. This article argues that the contradictions evident in China's neighbourhood foreign policy reflect its continuing search for a model of international relations that can balance its domestic interests such as the need for political stability, including regime stability, on the one hand and its external ambitions for a decisive role in regional affairs, on the other.
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| 4 |
ID:
106166
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| 5 |
ID:
155245
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China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often simplistically understood as being opposed by India and supported by Pakistan. The reality on the ground is rather more complex. The emerging consensus in India appears to be that, far from being exclusively an economic and infrastructure development program, the BRI may be understood as a long-term strategic initiative that seeks to convert China's current economic might into diplomatic influence. While attempts have been made by Beijing, the reflexive Indian suspicion of Chinese international projection, including of China's BRI, has not yet been met by a coherent discourse designed to specifically address Indian concerns. In contrast, in Pakistan, widespread acceptance of the importance and necessity of the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor is increasingly coupled with concerns within sectors of Pakistani society over the fairness, transparency and eventual economic outcomes of the project. Accordingly, this paper is divided into two parts: the first looks at how Indian analysts have viewed and responded to the Chinese discourse and arguments on the BRI; the second considers the debate over the China–Pakistan Economic Corridor within Pakistan.
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| 6 |
ID:
162733
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often sold as a project that aims to meet the infrastructure deficit in many underdeveloped parts of the world. However, Chinese projects under the BRI come with features that have negative short-term and long-term implications for the host countries in question. Chinese project financing almost uniformly lacks transparency, including about the terms of this financing, and is accompanied by uncertainty about local benefits such as employment and by poor standards. This paper begins by highlighting some key features of Chinese infrastructure projects under the BRI, before it examines, in detail, the financing of these projects, particularly in South Asia. The article concludes by stating that China’s success in pushing the BRI – despite its several problems – is the result of the inability of democratic nations to come up with feasible alternatives that respect local sensitivities and conditions in the countries in need of infrastructure development. India, especially, has much to reflect upon in respect of its own methods and approaches towards its neighbours and towards overseas development assistance in the wake of China’s BRI.
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| 7 |
ID:
066396
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| 8 |
ID:
156050
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| 9 |
ID:
089276
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| 10 |
ID:
187968
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| Summary/Abstract |
China’s August 2022 military exercises around Taiwan in the wake of House Speaker Nancy Pelosi’s visit to the island set off concerns about another potential regional conflagration following on the heels of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. While the exercises have ceased, they were another opportunity for Beijing to underline its willingness to use force to take over Taiwan. This ever-present Chinese threat to regional peace and security throws up several questions for key players in the Indo-Pacific about how they might respond. Given Indian interests in the region—a substantial flow of its trade runs though the South China Sea—its own ongoing boundary dispute with China, as well as its status as a key member of the Quadrilateral Security Dialogue, how does India view a potential Taiwan contingency?
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| 11 |
ID:
118548
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| Publication |
New Delhi, Konard Adenauer Stiftung, 2008.
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| Description |
viii,208p.pbk
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| Series |
KAS Publication Series No.21
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 057123 | 327.05/BAN 057123 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 12 |
ID:
174700
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| Summary/Abstract |
The COVID-19 pandemic has dented China’s image as an efficient party-state, given how an effort to cover up the outbreak and the resulting delays in reporting led to the virus spreading beyond its origins in Wuhan in Hubei province to the rest of the country as well as rapidly across the world. This article examines China’s massive external propaganda effort launched as part of the effort to repair the damage to its global image and interests. It notes how China has not let the situation stop it from pursuing its traditional foreign policy and security interests, including, of competition with the USA. The article also argues that it is the ruling Communist Party of China’s concerns about its legitimacy at home that have determined the nature and scale of Chinese responses to the pandemic outside its borders.
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| 13 |
ID:
183133
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| Summary/Abstract |
The Communist Party of China (CPC) completed 100 years of its existence in July 2021, with the last 70 plus years spent as the ruling party in China. The centenary occasioned a fresh consideration by the CPC of the challenges to its identity, legitimacy and power. Using select speeches and commentaries produced by the CPC in the context of the centenary, this article analyses how the Party deploys discourses on its history to articulate its concerns and promote its interests today. It also looks at how these interpretations of the Party’s history and role in China translate into a growing sense of exceptionalism in the Party-state. The article argues that despite frequent calls to ‘seek truth from facts’, an overriding desire to retain power is once again pushing the CPC down the path towards dogmatism.
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