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1 |
ID:
021305
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Publication |
April 2002.
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Description |
24-30
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2 |
ID:
147014
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Publication |
New Delhi, Lancer Publishers and Distributors, 2000.
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Description |
290p.hbk
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Standard Number |
8170621097
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
058780 | 327.1747095409591/BAD 058780 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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3 |
ID:
094671
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Publication |
New Delhi, Cambridge University Press, 2010.
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Description |
xvii, 407p.
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Standard Number |
9780521193856
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
054861 | 954.6052/LAV 054861 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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4 |
ID:
095719
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5 |
ID:
125988
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6 |
ID:
106453
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Publication |
2011.
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Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that most analyses of the Kargil conflict concede the important role played by the United States in understanding how India regained control of the Kargil heights, but fail to explain how India's intra-war compellent threat forced Washington to bring irresistible pressure to bear on Islamabad. The Indian decision to threaten asymmetrical escalation was the result of domestic pressures and military difficulties facing the Vajpayee-led caretaker government. The article shows that Washington pursued an "impartially" interventionist strategy until it came under Indian pressure to forsake its "balanced" approach towards ending the conflict. The article also shows how the "asymmetry of motivation" between New Delhi and Washington was an important factor in terminating hostilities in India's favor.
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7 |
ID:
156587
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Summary/Abstract |
The stability–instability paradox is a well-established concept in the nuclear-security literature, which scholars use to explain sub-strategic militarized conflicts between mutually deterred, nuclear-armed adversaries. Despite its ubiquity, there is a confusion in the literature as to the precise causal mechanism underpinning such conflicts. Competing interpretations of the paradox differ in states' perceptions of nuclear escalatory risk as well as whether the balance of military power or the balance of resolve determines outcomes in these sub-strategic conflicts. Testing their respective explanatory powers in a case study of sub-strategic conflict between nuclear powers—the 1999 Kargil War—demonstrates that these two competing models are mutually exclusive.
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8 |
ID:
131783
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Publication |
2014.
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Summary/Abstract |
Shi'i scholars from India have been a sizeable presence in seminaries in Iran and Iraq, both historically and today. Yet there is a dearth of scholarship on Shi'i linkages between India and West Asia, with the exception of historical work on the patronage of shrine cities in Iraq by centres of Shi'ism in India. Departing from this geographical and historical focus, this paper lends insight into contemporary religious networks between India and West Asia, using the example of the Twelver Shi'a in Kargil, a region located on India's 'border' with Pakistan in the province of Kashmir. Kargili scholars travelled overland via Afghanistan or by sea from Bombay to Basra to study in seminaries in Iraq and Iran from the nineteenth century onwards. Increasing fluency in Urdu in post-colonial India enabled them to connect with Shi'i institutions in other parts of India, which mediate religious, cultural, and financial flows from a transnational Shi'ite realm. These networks of religious learning are not only conduits for the transmission of textual, doctrinal knowledge, but also for politico-religious ideologies that are selectively harnessed, and often exaggerated, to effect significant social and political changes in micro-locales. While local conflicts are over-determined by the evocation of transnational links, they also reflect, even if only through rhetorical and partial reproduction, doctrinal and politico-religious schisms among Shi'i leaders in West Asia. This is illustrated by an ethnographic account of the activities undertaken and contestations provoked by the Imam Khomeini Memorial Trust in Kargil, a modernist reform movement that has selectively appropriated Khomeini's revolutionary ideologies to instigate social change and shape local politics and religious practice in Kargil.
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9 |
ID:
053548
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Publication |
New Delhi, Manohar Publishers, 2004.
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Description |
283p.hbk
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Standard Number |
8173045437
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
048560 | 954.052/ROY 048560 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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10 |
ID:
161285
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Publication |
Lohore, Sang-E-Meel Publications, 2018.
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Description |
532p.hbk
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Standard Number |
9789693531374
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
059519 | 355.5405491/ZEH 059519 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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11 |
ID:
097622
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12 |
ID:
113085
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13 |
ID:
068487
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14 |
ID:
113611
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15 |
ID:
021295
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Publication |
Jan-March 2002.
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Description |
10-31
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16 |
ID:
169483
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Summary/Abstract |
Using the Kargil conflict as a backdrop, the article explains why the leverage and influence of sea power matters. During Kargil, situated in a small area of Jammu and Kashmir, and far away from the sea, the robust deployment of the Indian Navy created politico-diplomatic pressure that contributed indirectly to the outcome. Two decades hence, the navy’s multiple strategies as doctrinally enunciated, when complemented by the broader initiatives of SAGAR and SAGARMALA, assist in India becoming a pivot for economic progress and for mutual security in the Indian Ocean Region. Going forward, the Indian Ocean will become the arena for competitive economic and security agendas of regional and extra-regional powers. This requires thinking of sea control and sea denial using available instruments imaginatively and adaptively; investing in places and bases; and create the conditions for future-readiness of a self-reliant navy that harnesses jointness effectively.
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17 |
ID:
119305
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18 |
ID:
017570
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Publication |
July-Sept 2000.
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Description |
116-122
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19 |
ID:
096047
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20 |
ID:
096347
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