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| 1 |
ID:
151076
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| Summary/Abstract |
Against the background of China’s increasing political and economic influence and the Chinese government’s efforts on public diplomacy, this article examines the extent to which the publics in various countries are interested in news about China as well as the national- and individual-level factors that explain audience interest in China. Drawing upon a cross-national survey conducted in 10 countries in 2009 and 2010, the analysis shows that China has attracted a level of global public attention comparable to other regional powers in the world. Consistent with studies about the determinants of foreign news content, the interest in news about China is stronger in countries that have closer economic connections with China. At the individual level, people with higher levels of education and income, as well as people who are more interested in the international political economy when consuming foreign news, are more likely to express an interest in news about China. The findings and analysis illustrate how the rising economic and political influence of China in the international arena is shaping the world’s interest in the country.
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| 2 |
ID:
090966
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2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Throughout the past decade, the Chinese government's general policy towards "globalization" has been one of active engagement. Opening the country to global capital is seen by Chinese national leaders as a way to further China's market reform and economic development. This official view towards "globalization" has been articulated in the national leaders' rhetoric and communicated through the national media. Given the context, this article examines urban Chinese residents' attitudes towards globalization and the effects of national media consumption on such attitudes. We argue that media effects are likely to exist because of the existence of the conditions of monopoly and canalization. Analysis of a representative survey conducted in four major cities largely supports our arguments. The findings show that Chinese citizens generally believe in the benefits to China of engaging with globalization. Positive views are more strongly held among more educated people, people with stronger nationalistic sentiments, and heavy consumers of the national media. The implications of these findings, as well as the similarities and differences between China and other Asian countries, are discussed.
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| 3 |
ID:
126964
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This study, based on analysis of survey data collected in 2011 in Taiwan and Hong Kong, shows that cultural identification explains the choice of country and national identities and that Chinese nationalism emerges as an important factor connecting the minds of people in mainland China, Taiwan, and Hong Kong.
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| 4 |
ID:
124160
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2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article addresses the problem of generational transmission of collective memory in Hong Kong about the 1989 Tiananmen Square incident. It focuses on the young participants in the annual 4 June commemoration rallies and examines the process of mnemonic socialization that brought them into the community of 4 June commemoration. Drawing upon a rally onsite survey and in-depth interviews, this study found that many young people went through a dynamic process of gradual discovery in which various social institutions-school, family and media-played complementary roles. Their understanding of Tiananmen tended to be simplified and essentialized. Yet the loss of details through essentialization has arguably allowed them to uphold a clear-cut moral judgment regarding the event and dismiss certain memory-blurring discourses straightforwardly.
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| 5 |
ID:
192842
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| Summary/Abstract |
Scholars have noted that the Chinese government has been grooming a range of grass-roots social organizations in Hong Kong since the handover. Hometown associations (HTAs), in particular, are seen as an important cultural nexus capable of integrating patron–client relationships based on material benefits with social relationships rooted in common culture and identity. Few studies, however, have documented the mobilizing power of HTAs quantitatively. This article examines the mobilizing power of HTAs in the 2021 Legislative Council elections, where the state attempted to promote voter participation to protect the legitimacy of the “reformed” electoral system. Analysis at the level of District Council constituencies shows that the presence of HTAs was indeed related to higher voter turnout. I also test whether the impact of HTAs was conditioned by population characteristics. General implications of the findings are discussed.
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| 6 |
ID:
081522
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2008.
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| Summary/Abstract |
A wave of large-scale demonstrations from 2003 to 2006 has given rise to a new pro-democracy movement in Hong Kong and raised important questions about the political activism of the Hong Kong public. This study aims at achieving a better understanding of the cultural underpinnings of Hong Kong people's protest participation (and non-participation). Following a tradition of constructivist analysis which sees culture as a set of shared and more or less structured ideas, symbols, feelings and common senses, this study examines how participants in the pro-democracy protests make sense of their experiences and the ongoing political and social changes in Hong Kong. It shows that the 1 July 2003 demonstration has indeed empowered many of its participants, but feelings of efficacy became more complicated and mixed as people continued to monitor changes in the political environment and interpret the actions of others. At the same time, beliefs and ideas that can be regarded as part of Hong Kong's culture of de-politicization remain prevalent among the protesters. The findings of the study allow us to understand why many Hong Kong people view protests as important means of public opinion expression and yet participate in them only occasionally
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| 7 |
ID:
066887
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| 8 |
ID:
097031
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the influence of pragmatism and perceived reality on public opinion. Pragmatism is conceptualized as a general attitudinal orientation and is defined as involving tendencies both to prioritize materialistic concerns over moral-political principles and to seriously consider issues of strategies and reality constraints. Meanwhile, depending on a person's perceptions of reality, different lines of action or policy options are seen as more or less feasible and/or more or less desirable.Following these arguments, it is hypothesized that pragmatism and perceived reality interact to shape public opinion. The empirical analysis focuses on Hong Kong people's attitudes toward the decision of China's National People's Congress (NPC) to allow the direct election of the chief executive of the HongKong Special Administrative Region in 2017 but not earlier. Analysis of data from a representative survey (N = 632) largely supports the major hypotheses. On the whole, HongKong people are generally receptive to the NPC's decision because of the combination of a high degree of pragmatism and a pessimistic perception regarding the possibility of successfully persuading theChinese government to allowHongKong to democratize earlier. The social and general theoretical implications of the findings are also discussed.
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| 9 |
ID:
135429
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| Summary/Abstract |
The practice of investigative journalism in China burgeoned in the early 1980s in the wake of the economic reforms, and it has been growing rapidly since the mid-1990s. Today, it is one of the most vibrant parts of Chinese media. As a thermometer for press freedom and a crucial site for examining the media‒state relationship in China, investigative journalism has attracted a substantial amount of scholarly
attention during the past three decades. This article critically reviews research, published both in mainland China and overseas, on the topic from 1978 to 2013. We first present a quantitative analysis outlining
certain basic characteristics of the field of investigative journalism research based on a sample of 112 mainland publications and 14 overseas publications. We then present a qualitative review of existing knowledge about investigative journalism in China. Finally, we highlight some of the newest developments in the phenomenon and discuss several directions for future research.
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| 10 |
ID:
186936
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| Summary/Abstract |
This article examines the origins and dynamics of an extraordinary wave of protests in Hong Kong in 2019–2020. Despite lacking visible political opportunities and organizational resources, the protest movement drew resilient, mass participation unparalleled in the city's history and much of the world. Drawing from original on-site surveys and online datasets, we conceptualize the Anti-Extradition Law Amendment Bill Movement as a form of “total mobilization from below.” The totality of the mobilization depended on a set of interactive mechanisms: abeyant civil society networks concealed after the 2014 Umbrella Movement were activated by threats over extradition and institutional decay, whereas affective ties developed through conflicts and mutual assistance were amplified by digital communication. The movement's characteristics in terms of protest scale, mobilizing structure, use of alternative spaces, and group solidarity are examined. The spasmodic moments of mobilization are explained by a nexus of network building that took place in an unreceptive environment and at a critical juncture. The roles of threats and emotions in mass mobilizations are also analysed.
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