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| 1 |
ID:
127617
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The struggle at the very top of China's political establishment reached its peak on the eve of the 18th Communist Party Congress; this largely predetermined the balance of political forces in the upper echelons of the Communist Party and the decisions of its congress. The compromise about the top figures makes the party's political future very dim indeed. Although the retreating Hu-Wen Tandem managed to hold its ground, it is too early to say that the "reformers" have scored a final victory: in many respects the 18th Congress proved to be "transitional."
The final balance of power will become clear in five years' time after the next, 19th CPC Congress. It will probably clarify the course of the "fifth generation" of the country's leaders. It seems that the next five years can be best described as time of compromises. One has to admit that the criticized Hu-Wen Tandem left the country in fairly good shape; it compiled a reasonable "roadmap" with no alternative on the horizon.
It remains to be seen whether the new party and country leaders will manage in the next five years to avert social upheavals and fulfill the tasks formulated by the 18th Congress while following the roadmap.
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| 2 |
ID:
107317
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The 8th Conference of the Russian-Chinese Friendship Society to hear reports and elect officials was held at the Federation for Peace and Conciliation in Moscow on December 6, 2010. This Society is the legal successor of the Society of Soviet-Chinese Friendship set up in the U.S.S.R on October 29, 1957.
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| 3 |
ID:
096007
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The political roles of Taiwanese business people (taishang) in cross-strait relations have been increasingly noteworthy under Hu Jintao's policy of "counting on the Taiwanese people." But contrary to widely accepted allegations, this paper argues that attempts by China to use Taiwanese business people as a means to gain political leverage over Taiwan will probably not pan out as a successful strategy.
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| 4 |
ID:
005923
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Anguish of Tibet
/ Kelly, Petra K (ed.); Bastian, Gert (ed.); Aiello, Pat (ed.)
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1991
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| Publication |
Berkeley, Parallax Press, 1991.
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| Description |
xix, 382p.pbk
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| Standard Number |
0938077473
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 036942 | 951.5/KEL 036942 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 5 |
ID:
112167
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| 6 |
ID:
100617
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| 7 |
ID:
095544
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2010.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Facing the ever-growing interdependence across the Taiwan Strait, Mainland China's strategy towards Taiwan is undergoing a profound change, that is, transcending the staunch realpolitik mentality and turning to an institutional arrangement in policy making. Especially since President Hu Jintao took up his position, the Mainland has endeavored to improve cross-Strait relations through the institutionalization of a series of sensitive issues, such as the proposals and signatures of some long-term accords aiming to advocate economic cooperation, promote social exchanges, weaken political opposition and foster mutual trust. By taking the Mainland's national development strategy shift, Taiwan's domestic reality and 'institution deficit' in cross-Strait relations into consideration, this paper analyzes the reasons, efforts and features of the Mainland's recent institutional-orientated policy transition.
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| 8 |
ID:
119924
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
In his re-election night speech in November 2012, President Barack Obama said, "Democracy in a nation of 300 million can be noisy and messy and complicated. We have our own opinions. . . These arguments we have are a mark of our liberty, and we can never forget that as we speak, people in distant nations are risking their lives right now just for a chance to argue about the issues that matter-the chance to cast their ballots like we did today." Soon after the US election, one such distant nation experienced a very different transfer of political power, as current Chinese President Xi Jinping replaced former President Hu Jintao in an orderly, stable, and Confucian manner.
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| 9 |
ID:
119712
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| 10 |
ID:
123233
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| 11 |
ID:
112541
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The rise of China is not a new phenomenon. The PRC's growing economic (and in a number of cases also political) involvement in Southeast
Asia and particularly in sub-Saharan Africa has caught the attention of
academics and policymakers alike. However, China's emergence as an
important actor in Latin America has only recently appeared on the radar
screen of the scholarly community and is still an under-researched area.
Eight years have passed since Chinese President Hu Jintao's first tour of
Latin America in November 2004, marking the beginning of a new phase
in Beijing's trans-Pacific relations. The significant boost in Chinese-Latin
American trade provides strong evidence for the importance of this
emerging pattern of interaction. China's trade with the region reached
180 billion USD in 2010, evincing not only an increase of 50 per cent
from 2009 but also a pattern of sharp growth since 2000, when the China-Latin America trade volume stood at just 13 billion USD. By 2007
bilateral trade had already exceeded Hu's original target of 100 billion
USD, set for 2010 (China Daily 2011; Xinhua 2008). The articles in this
issue of the Journal of Current Chinese Affairs bear strong witness to the fact
that this budding relationship has been driven mainly by a mutual desire
to accelerate economic exchange.
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| 12 |
ID:
081863
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2008.
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In 2007 China was dominated by politics, specifically the preparations and negotiations heading into the Seventeenth Party Congress, which was held in late October. General Secretary Hu Jintao was successful in having his "scientific development concept" written into the Chinese Communist Party Constitution but was not allowed to name his own successor
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| 13 |
ID:
119103
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
For China, the year 2012 was politically significant with a once-a-decade power transfer taking place. However, the year was full of political scandals and rumors. From the top elite circles to the grassroots, Chinese feel increasingly anxious and frustrated. This paper examines what has gone wrong with China's elite politics, and how Chinese social groups have responded.
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| 14 |
ID:
117813
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| 15 |
ID:
113600
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| 16 |
ID:
127574
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2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
When the fourth generation of leaders came to power in China, the country began drawing up its policy in Central Asia (CA) on the concept of peripheral diplomacy, which since 2005 has been based not on the thesis of "China's peaceful rise," but on the theory of "peaceful development" that came to replace it, as well as on the idea proposed by Hu Jintao of "working together to build a harmonious world." At present, China's relations with the regional states are being established in keeping with the concept of "friendly, peaceful, and prosperous neighbors" (mulin, anlin, fulin) confirmed at the 17th congress of the CPC. As Fudan University Professor Zhao Huasheng, a leading Chinese specialist on CA, emphasized, this concept, which was formulated as early as 2003, reflects the new approaches to relations with neighboring countries.
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| 17 |
ID:
114587
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| Publication |
2012.
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The People's Republic of China since 1978 has been called a post-Communist and post-ideological society. And yet, at least in terms of maintaining an institutional network of party schools and think tanks, and a common conceptual language for the political elite within the Communist Party, China continues to put resources and effort into what could be construed as ideological work. What is the function of this, in a society which is undergoing dynamic economic and social reform? Does ideology continue to perform a role in building up cohesiveness amongst the political elite in contemporary China, and if so, how? This article looks at the ways in which ideology is formulated in the key speeches of Hu Jintao and in the institutional and linguistic context of these.
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| 18 |
ID:
114798
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| Publication |
2012.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Although the essence of China's Taiwan policy has not changed from the era of Jiang Zemin to the present, the era of Hu Jintao, Jiang's and Hu's attitudes are different. Jiang was impatient with the delay in the unification of China and Taiwan, talking about timetables for unification; however, Hu has so far been patient, saying that he is not afraid of delaying unification. The purpose of this paper is to explain why their attitudes are different. I argue that two factors combine to result in Jiang's impatience and Hu's patience: conflicting 'perceptions of Taiwan's domestic politics and Taiwan's China policy' and differing 'perceptions of the US behavior and attitude regarding Taiwan'.
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| 19 |
ID:
108972
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| Publication |
2011.
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| Summary/Abstract |
China's rise as a great power has promoted a great deal of soul searching among Chinese scholars, and concern about whether China's contribution to the world of International Relations scholarship lags behind its rise as an important shaper of the international system. There is a common understanding that China cannot escape addressing the role of theoretical discourse in directing Chinese foreign policy and framing its understanding of China's role in the world. A perception of China as suffering from a dependent relationship to International Relations (IR) theory, and a desire to transform the role of Chinese scholars from consumers of theory to its producers inspires a debate over the formation of a distinctive 'Chinese school'.
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| 20 |
ID:
122515
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