| Srl | Item |
| 1 |
ID:
135778
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
According to the current Local Authorities Act in Israel 2000, once the municipal government fails to function financially, the Ministry of the Interior should intervene to appoint a professional team to help the municipality recover from its crisis. This law contains no wording ordering the local authorities to provide any local services. In the absence of a clear demand from the central government to provide certain public goods at the local level, what motivates the heads of local authorities to provide such goods? Given that local environmental issues are mostly identified as local services, and that people's satisfaction with the quality of the local environmental services is an effective predictor for the re-election of an incumbent head in almost all Israeli municipalities, the way local authorities deal with these services constitutes a case study with which to examine their incentive for providing local services. This study seeks to explain the empirical nature of the major political motivations of the heads of local authorities for providing environmental services. The environmental and sustainability literature offers economic and civic motivations as an answer to this question. In contrast, this article suggests public choice theory as an alternative answer to this question.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 2 |
ID:
106303
|
|
|
| 3 |
ID:
135776
|
|
|
|
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This volume presents a multifaceted, multidisciplinary exploration of Israel, using a theory-guided analytical narrative and offering a broad overview that addresses the various aspects of Israeli society as well as issues that were of major public importance during the six-and-half decades of the state's existence, many of which have never been studied before from the perspectives presented here.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 4 |
ID:
091731
|
|
|
| 5 |
ID:
083685
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2008.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
This article argues that because of the Israeli political system's failure tosupply publicly desired goods and services, the court assumed upon itself arole as an active political player thus ensuring not only the supply of publicgoods and services but also affecting the particular distribution of welfareacross society. It emphasizes the court's position as an interpreter andargues that in the context of Israel this institution became, over the years,politically very powerful. This is because it does not limit itself to the interpretation of laws, but rather it directly and indirectly becomes a lawmaker and an enforcer of public policies. By inviting everyone to appeal to
the Supreme Court this institution becomes all-encompassing, dealing withall types of issues and getting involved in practical matters, as well asquestions of principle. It concludes by wondering if it is not possible that
the 'Keepers of the Law', who benefit from preserving a problematic legal
situation, have an interest in continuing the flux and normative
ambivalence of the status quo.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 6 |
ID:
106310
|
|
|
|
|
| Publication |
2011.
|
| Summary/Abstract |
The article explores the contribution of MKs' websites to political personalization by addressing three questions. Is it more likely that MKs who belong to parties that conduct primaries will establish a website than MKs who belong to parties which select their candidates in a more centralized fashion? Are MKs' websites richer, more interactive and more frequently updated than their respective party's websites? Finally, do MKs link their websites to the websites of their parties? We find some evidence that MKs' personal websites further support and enhance the personalization of Israeli politics.
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
| 7 |
ID:
067250
|
|
|
| 8 |
ID:
073110
|
|
|