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| 1 |
ID:
092496
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| 2 |
ID:
172467
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| Summary/Abstract |
A tumultuous year brought Indonesia from a polarizing general election to disparate waves of mass protests that tested the state’s tether and revealed frailties in democratic consolidation. Granted a second term, President Joko Widodo ratcheted up plans for infrastructure and human resource development, wooing foreign capital despite a challenging global environment.
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| 3 |
ID:
092019
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| Publication |
2009.
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| Summary/Abstract |
Postcolonial, developmental states recognize the need for higher education to generate both ideas and skilled human resources. Many seek too, though, a level of state control incompatible with ideals of academic freedom. This dilemma is all the more keen for semidemocratic states such as Malaysia and Singapore, which can neither curb protest as coercively as their more authoritarian neighbors do nor accept free-wheeling criticism as more politically liberal ones do. Presumed morally "pure" and entitled to speak, students across Southeast Asia are heir to a tradition of political engagement, based largely on their identity as students. Despite crackdowns, students have been central to political change across the region. They remain so in much of Asia-but not, for instance, in Malaysia. The muting of student protest there may be traced in large part to a post-1969 process of intellectual containment, or normative delegitimation and historical erasure of student activism, with far-reaching implications.
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| 4 |
ID:
126966
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| Publication |
2013.
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| Summary/Abstract |
The incumbent coalition claimed victory in Malaysia's 13th general elections in May 2013, securing a simple majority of parliamentary seats despite losing the popular vote. The dramatic result raises questions not only about the probity of the electoral process in Malaysia but also about the future of party politics there.
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| 5 |
ID:
143665
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| Summary/Abstract |
A key part of what sustains electoral authoritarianism over the long term is genuine popular support. Dominant parties, particularly in a developmental context (the primary setting for such regimes), and especially where elections are more than minimally meaningful, curry performance legitimacy and loyalty not just through skewed rules and coercion, but through material incentives: “money politics.” If challengers can find a way to de-emphasize support based on material inducements, they stand a chance of securing gains via elections, rather than relying on economic downturns to shrink patronage coffers. Drawing on extensive original ethnographic and survey data from electoral-authoritarian Malaysia, I explore campaign finance and distributions on both sides in the latest, most regime-threatening general election, which was held on May 5, 2013. Evidence suggests that it was by disentangling clientelist networks from the patronage they so often serve to disseminate, allowing a focus on more programmatic than particularistic appeals, that the opposition Pakatan Rakyat alliance so nearly bested the long-dominant Barisan Nasional regime. Persona – being known and seen among the electorate – still matters as much as before, but relies less consistently than in the past on targeted patronage as a premise for loyalty.
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| 6 |
ID:
104907
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| Publication |
Tokyo, United Nations University press, 2010.
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| Description |
xi, 224p.
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| Standard Number |
9789280811902
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Copies: C:1/I:0,R:0,Q:0
Circulation
| Accession# | Call# | Current Location | Status | Policy | Location |
| 056128 | 303.60954/ABR 056128 | Main | On Shelf | General | |
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| 7 |
ID:
067326
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